Review of American Marxism

Mark R. Levin is a former advisor to several members of President Ronald Reagan’s cabinet, chairman on the Landmark Legal Foundation and a syndicated commentator on television and radio. His stated goal for writing American Marxism is to examine the history of Marxist activist networks operating in the United States. Having sold over one million copies since its publication in 2021 it is likely the most widely read of all “history” books on Marxist political groups in the United States. This is unfortunate. While Levin’s analysis of discourse is skillful and his knowledge of the political efforts led by Communist Party state, the book largely fails to achieve the goal of a distinctly American network analysis and historiography of American Marxists. I’ll alternate my commentary on what’s praiseworthy and what’s blameworth.

Levin deftly highlight how different movements, such as degrowth, environmental justice, racial justice, gender justice, etc. are political projects that are frequently directed by self-avowed or crypto Marxists whose claims justifying the necessity for political change have no social/scientific validity and whose demands are just thinly coded Marxism.

In chapter after chapter Levin shows how the zero-growth movement is anti-capitalism in different language, how Critical Race Theory discourse of authors such as Ibram X. Kendi and Robin DeAngelo is a variant of Marxism that uses racial language and pulls quotes from numerous books such as Laura Miles, a contributor to Social Review magazine and author of Transgender Resistance: Socialism and the Fight for Trans Liberation, Professor of Economics at Pepperdine University George Reisman’s book Capitalism, and professor of Environmental Justice at University of California David Pellow’s essay What is Critical Environmental Justice? to highlight how the ‘trans liberation, ‘economic justice’ and the degrowth wing of the ‘environmental justice’ movement is really socialism.

He also cites research articles such as one showing that the New York Times and Washington Post’s meteoric rise in the percentage of instances that “white” and racial privilege” has appeared in their publications – 1200% and 1500% respectively, case studies by the Media Research Center and highly publicized events such as the suppression of Project Veritas’ Twitter account and the Hunter Biden laptop story to demonstrate mainstream media’s role in promoting conspiracy theories (i.e. there is no effort in Big Tech to limit speech and the story about Hunter Biden’s laptop is Russian disinformation) in the name of discouraging conspiracy theories.

Levin deftly shows how legislation linked to the Green New Deal is an effort at refashioning the individual rights framework of the U.S. Constitution to a collectivist definition of rights; how reparations legislation legitimizes racial discrimination that undermines the meritocratic structure of social, educational and financial institutions; how the legislative movement to “protect” people from “hate speech” which occurs online is a trojan horse for massive government intervention in the Free Speech arena, how colleges are increasingly locations for political recruitment, etc.

This is all to say that there is a lot of good research here. And yet despite this to me the book feels as if themes/topics were collected, examples were chosen to cover the themes/topics, and little thought was given to explication of the connection between. One example of this could be how several years before the current “attack” on standardization in testing a similar process was ongoing in Venezuela, how several of the books now promoted in the teaching of “math justice” cite attendance at the World Social Forum or cite Communists such a Angela Davis as their inspiration, and that high ranking members of unions in Chicago, Los Angeles, Boston, Texas, etc. have all gone to Venezuela for consultations with members of their government. This would allows to maintain the frame within which he operates – people pursuing the above agendas are indeed utopians, AND the first which sustains their actions was galvanized in part by foreigners with their own political ends. In other words, by establishing the linkages to foreign inspiration, gives us cause to then assess whether or not what we see there is truly all that venerable and if not to highlight how those within borders X must even more fervently resist the effort of internal groups to change conditions so they approximate those in borders Y.

One example of this is returning focus on the thoughts and actions of Marx, Mao, Marcuse, and Stalin, for example, rather than detailing the contemporary activities of Socialist sections of various academic professional organizations and their linkages to international networks results in an analysis – such as the Cuban developed Network of Artists and Intellectuals in Defense of Humanities – or their indicators – such as the number of socialists philosophers cited within academic literature or the number of self-avowedly socialist presidents of professional academic organizations – means that he fails to capture a full picture of their undertakings. Furthermore, examples depicting how these groups have co-operated organizationally within the context of recent history is not examined, the few details of links to foreign governments highlights are only to a few events that are sensationalist but of minor importance, and the funds which these groups rely on to operate are only slightly analyzed.

To summarize, Levin foregoes extensive engagement with Marxist sociology: the examination of the histories and primary texts of actually existing parties and movements and instead focuses on texts claimed as seminal to these movements and events that occurred in other countries. While knowledge of “what happened elsewhere” is clearly useful for developing insight on the U.S. groups, there’s clearly no formal methodology shown to be informing his particular mode of investigation.

American Marxism is definitely worth reading for getting an overview of the deceptive practices of various justice movements – these are largely wings of a popular front – and yet the definitive book about U.S. Socialist movements since the collapse of the Soviet Union has yet to be written.

Review of Cuba’s Intervention in Venezuela: A Strategic Occupation with Global Implications

Maria C. Werlau is the Executive Director of Cuba Archive – a non-profit organization incorporated in 2001 in Washington, D.C., whose mission is to promote human rights through research and information about the Communist Party takeover of Cuba and its subsequent oppression of political opposition. In her book Cuba’s Intervention in Venezuela: A Strategic Occupation with Global Implications Werlau provides a theoretical framework and extensive documentation with which to justify her claim that that “revolutionary” Cuba essentially occupied Venezuela. This occupation occurred through asymmetric measures rather than a conquering military force, i.e. the strategic placement of assets which could be used to monitor, command and control Venezuela’s security forces, economy, information, communications, and society in general. It also explores the evolution of a longstanding ambition of Fidel Castro’s – to unite Central America, South America and the Caribbean into a confederation under his leadership and how the political alliance with Hugo Chavez and their regional integration project, ALBA, operating in conjunction with an international criminal network organized to support their political goals supports this end goal. Cuba’s Intervention in Venezuela, along with other books such as Why Cuba Matters: New Threats in America’s Backyard, La Franquicua Cubana: Una Dictradura Cientifica and others, shows how  Cuba, with its smaller population and economy, was able to take over Venezuela thanks to a highly trained intelligence community and a unique methodological tool kit first transferred by the Soviets and refined through decades of operations in Cuba and abroad. As the book implies by the title, Werlau also shows how implications of this occupation is not just regional, but global.

The book’s first chapter covers Fidel Castro’s dream of a united Latin American and details plans enacted by the Cuban Communist Party to establish armed political fronts, training of foreign political operatives in support roles for the Cubans, as well as developing collaborative relationships with the leaders of Socialist and Communist parties in Venezuela as well as other parts of Latin America, the Caribbean, and Africa. Citing an interview with former Captain of Cuba’s General Directorate of Intelligence, Enrique Garcia, Cuba efforts financed by the Soviet Union included espionage, penetration of organizations, and buying influence via substantial cash payments to presidential candidates all throughout these regions.

Chapters two through six cover an incredibly large number of diverse and detailed examples of the legal, economic, military and political cooperative agreements, accords, treaties and charters between Venezuela and Cuba as well as their social impact. Coverage of this judicial, economic, political, technological, national security and social intertwining takes a hundred pages. It shows how Cuban advisors in the military, economy, and social fields has come to play huge roles in both monitoring and managing the country. Reading these chapters makes the calls by the Venezuelan opposition for the expulsion of all Cuban contractors from Venezuela more than understandable – several thousand people in key roles are able to function as an occupying force when they are able to collude with a domestic party, the PSUV, that wishes to have their country turned into Cuba. Citing Lt. Col Juan Reinaldo, who for 17 years was a member of Fidel Castro’s personal security detail, she shows how there is no doubt that Cuba’s expertise in totalitarian social control was transferred to the PSUC via training and placement of advisors throughout Venezuela’s armed forced and key social and economy sectors.

Chapter 7, A Post-Cold War Continental Project, opens with warnings by General Guaicapuro Lameda, the former president of PDVSA, published shortly after a trip to Venezuela intended to indoctrinate him into the Fidel Castro’s plans for ensuring Hugo Chavez and the PSUV would stay in power and radically transform the content over a period to last no less than 30 years. Fidel’s recipe for Venezuela included:

  1. Let those who dislike the revolution leave
  2. Keep people busy covering their basic needs and repressed
  3. Burn non-essential oil money to buy loyalties and disable opponents
  4. Find or create a credible and powerful enemy
  5. Keep the poor impoverished but hopeful
  6. Corner the opposition
  7. Establish a parallel/dual economy: one for the government’s purposes (for the poor), the other one, unattainable and unbearable, for the opposition
  8. Implant terror: among supporters, the fear of losing what the government gives; among opponents, the fear of losing what they have, including their life and freedom
  9. Make it difficult to do things legally in order to keep people tied up, compromised, dominated, and disabled
  10. Galvanize hope through elections

This blueprint for the creation of a new historical block appears inspired by Antonio Gramsci, the political philosopher and founder of the Italian Communist Party, who Chavez stated that he had “an excellent knowledge of” and is frequently cited within PSUV materials such as their Red Book. Venezuela’s transformation into the barrack-style Communism of Cuba with ‘more frills’ was the first big step towards their post-Cold War Continental Transformation Project called Nuestra America.

In addition to these policies which increased political polarization, marginalized parties organized around traditional democratic values, attitudes and beliefs, Venezuela’s educational model transformed to align with based on Cuba’s indoctrination/education system. More than 20 million books for all levels of the Venezuelan education system were published in Cuba that taught a Marxist worldview and highlighted how Simon Bolivar, the greatest Venezuelan, had a Cuban nursemaid.

Chapter 8, A Criminal Network with Extra Regional Ties, continues where the last pages of Chapter Seven began to address – the numerous political and criminal groups that have come to partner with the Chavez/Maduro/Castro governments. One of the admirable qualities of this book is its citation of sources – from personal interviews to judicial proceedings, memoirs published by Cuban and Venezuelan regime insiders, etc. In this section highlighting how Cuba helped make Venezuela into a mafia state through support of narco-trafficking, the rich source list here is worth the cost of the book.

In this section, Werlau links the interests of transnational criminal organizations with the political policies promoted by the Foro de Sao Paulo. Embezzlement of public funds, drug proceeds and disruptive targeting by media and criminal actors enables high public officials, prosecutors, judges, journalists to be bribed or threatened. Targets are, basically, given the choice of plata (money) or plomo (bullets). Some of the highlighted acts include state-sanctioned bribery rings, money laundering rings, schemes to sell passports, overbidding, underperforming, direct and indirect kickbacks, and providing safe haven for designated terrorist organizations.

Links with non-national organizations, such as Hezbollah, IRA, ETA, and others are covered along with Iran, China, and Russia – which provide loans that somehow never make it to the national accounts. She describes complex networks that use a diverse criminal portfolios to undermine the rule of law, democratic governance, and US alliances throughout the Western Hemisphere.

Chapter 9, Cuba’s Core Competency: Soft Power on Steroids, links together the activities described in the preceding chapters and explains how they all demonstrate a comprehensive effort at organizational and political technology transfer. What’s been ongoing since the first election of Hugo Chavez – just as Fidel Castro and Hugo Chavez admit in their published statements – is an effort from the outside in to transform Venezuelan society.

Werlau summarizes this as follows:

“Cuba’s core competency, or comparative advantage, is rooted in the centralized command-and-control totalitarian nature of the system, unconstrained by judicial, ethical, and moral boundaries or by term limits, balance of powers, transparency, accountability, and bureaucratic-institutional rules and restraints that characterize even the weakest democracy. The Cuban Politburo and Communist Party leadership has absolute power to strategize with great consistency as well as ample flexibility to use even the most unsavory tactics. It can act very quickly without a need for consultation and it can plan for the long term as well as wait patiently, as its power is enduring, it does not have to face electoral challenges or term limits.

Werlau notes that Cuba is an innovator in this field, as this all predates Russia’s Gerasimov Doctrine of 2013 –  which states that the rules of war have changed and the military should embrace hybrid and asymmetrical actions and nonmilitary means to achieve military and strategic goals, combining the use of special forces with information warfare to create a permanently operating front through the entire territory of the enemy state. I would, however, disagree with this assessment as this is a variation of the same sort of tactics that the Soviets/Russians first developed following the professionalization of the CCCP and they were the ones that transferred their knowledge to Cuba.

Citing interviews from a Cuban Intelligence Officer that defected, Werlau describes how Cuba’s Directorate of Intelligence systematically penetrates governments, international organizations, media, academia, and all of society in select countries – particularly the United States. She highlights a number of these organizations – such as the ICAP, Prensa Latina, and organizations targeted for influence such as LSA and CLACSO. Highlighting the role of U.N. in facilitating these activities, she highlights how Cuba has the second highest per capita number of people given diplomatic credential, credentials which enable ambassadors and their staff to engage in espionage and recruitment in other countries with a ‘get out of jail free’ card.

Following further details on similar events, Werlau highlights how Venezuela has come to enact policies that function as asymmetrical warfare, such as forced migration as state policy, creation of export-based criminal networks, and a state-supported human trafficking business.

Chapter Ten, The International Response, highlights how as a result of such an extensive intelligence apparatus that the international response to Cuba’s occupation of Venezuela at the invitation of Hugo Chavez and then Nicolas Maduro has largely been muted. It’s all the more understandable given the large number of individuals, networks, groups, companies, and countries involved. Werlau’s book, however, does a great job in organizing this material to present a holistic picture of just what asymmetric warfare can accomplish – the takeover of a state government without military battle and only military-supported intelligence agents.

Review of Irresistible Revolution: Marxism’s Coal of Conquest & The Unmaking of the American Military

Irresistible Revolution: Marxism’s Goal of Conquest & the Unmaking of the American Military was written by a former lieutenant colonel in the United State Space Force, Matthew Lohmeier, and published in 2021. The book is, roughly, three-fifths about the history of Marxism as an intellectual project and two-fifths about the author’s personal experiences in the U.S. Military

The opening chapter, Transforming American History, provides a brief account of the controversies and figures involved in the 1619 Project and the 1776 Commission in the context of cultural war. There is a struggle over the meaning of America presently underway that is at the heart of a social and political polarization that threatens to permanently fracture American civil society. Lohmeier describes it as a contest over the meaning of America highlighting how civil rights icons Frederick Douglass and Martin Luther King, Jr. recognized the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution as “deep wells of democracy” with the Marxist view which holds these documents in contempt. This is framed via reference to George Orwell and the power one gains via dictation over official truth and a broader account of slavery is briefly touched upon, highlighting how president of the National Association of Scholars Peter W. Wood’s historical research shows slavery was a worldwide phenomenon as early as the 14th century – far before the 1619 period cited by the 1619 Project.

In Chapter Two, America’s Founding Philosophy, Lormeier provides a historiography of American political economy as embodied in the Founder’s ideology that is instructive in highlighting how, in contrast to the claims made by those on the left, that women and blacks were never conceived of us being innately inferior but inherently equal as human beings but historically unequal due to the conditions of the society. The Declaration of Independence and the Constitution were enablers of the means by which historically unequal groups could achieve legal equality. Their Transitional Program then, to borrow a Marxian turn of phrase, was not delineated in a strategic set of actions to be taken to achieve a quasi-utopian outcome but by their ability to reference to the Declaration, the Constitution and legal literature to enable to legitimize what was already granted to them “by God”.

In chapter 3, Marxism’s Goal of Conquest, Lohmeier shares knowledge he learned while taking courses within the U.S. military to give context to the schools of thought in Europe that Marxism developed from. He explains how the writings of a wide-number of political conspiracists positively valued collectivism, which made it fundamentally difference from the individual rights framework of the Constitution. In relating their communalist concepts to historical precedents, such as the Cultural Revolution in China, wherein ‘forced equality’ became a government mandate it becomes appear how this collectivist approach which holds no respect for individual rights becomes a cudgel to legitimize and legalize sorts of abuses. Marx’s relationship to Hegel and the secret social orders in not-yet-united regions of Germany organized against the Kings and Princes are described, as was the view that Universal Revolution – one which inverted the current system of values in the home, economy and nation – was necessary and how the most strategic way to achieve this was through corruption and unseen influence.

In Chapter 4, Marx, Marxism and Revolution, Lohmeier provides a more thorough biographical account of Marx as well as focused analysis of Marx’s writing. From the context provided in the previous chapter we see the how writings and actions of Marx, those that influenced his thought, and his contemporary comrades in political arms all viewed the individual with disdain. History is class struggle, nothing more, and the bourgeoisie that prevents the dictatorship of the proletariat from being enacted are akin to devils keeping man from reaching heaven. A few examples of how the Communist Manifesto has been used by practitioners such as Lenin and Mao to justify atrocities are cited – but the majority of the chapter is devoted to explicating in detail the rhetorical and political innovations of Marxism. Marxism is a totalitarian legitimization of social destruction and replacement with something that – due to it’s “collectiveness” – is claimed to be an improvement.

In Chapter 5, Marx’s Many Faces, provides several historic accounts that highlight how Communist societies have treated outsiders, examples of communist infiltration into social bodies, and modern examples of this collectivist language making its way into U.S. institutions. One such example of the first category is the processes that American service-members had to go experience following capture in the Korean and Vietnamese War – prolonged, tortuous interrogation combined with efforts to indoctrinate. An example of the middle category – subversions – is that of William Montgomery Brown’s entrance at the behest of the Communist Party into the Episcopal church and his training to become a Bishop.  Such efforts, as described in Color, Communism, & Common Sense, were coordinated at a national level with guidance at the international level from the Kremlin in Soviet Russia. An example of the last is reflected in Critical Race Theory, which is shown not only to have many of the same rhetorical and political elements as that of Marxist thought – but that many of it’s early developers and current advocated openly avow such a worldview.

In Chapter 6, The New American Military Culture, Lohmeier’s descriptions on how Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) concepts and practices have been made necessary components of armed services training and how policies linked to them have affected combat readiness is insightful. He focuses on the way in which normative social values are promoted via mandatory training that teaches an iteration of ‘anti-racism’ that functions to smuggle in Marxist, revolutionary values. He highlights how how “Servicemembers are allowed to support the BLM movement. They are not, however, allowed to criticize it.” (Lohmeier 121). As a personal account of the impact of such training on troop morale, retention rates and the way that political controversy has come to inform hiring, firing and promotions the book is insightful. It’s impact on morale (teaching as it does that people within a racially diverse unit represent oppressors and oppressed), professionalism (teaching as it does that people from historically oppressed groups should be ascend professionally because of that rather than traditional metrics of merit, and combat readiness (teaching as it does that the U.S. is an immoral country), and other factors is shown to be real and concerning. Accounts are shared, for example, about how cadets cite how the transformation of the merit-based system that they elected to join becoming a racialized organization as the reason for their decision not to re-enlist; about lieutenant colonels adopting the language of radical extremism and saying that if elections don’t go his way the system should be “burned to the ground”; and lowered recruitment numbers amongst other examples. Citing a 40-page June 25, 2020 policy proposal written by officers commissioned at West Point, he shows how the new demands for “racial inclusion” – influenced by Robin DiAngelo and Ibram X. Kendi – was nothing more than Marxism using racial language and mirrored more the Port Huron Statement than a document written by those supposedly trained to understand American values, i.e. individualism and meritocracy.

Chapter 7 closes the books primarily with comparing the contemporary U.S. context, to historical precedents for the type of ideological warfare now running unchecked, from the Civil War in Yugoslavia to the actions of the Red Guards following the Communist Party’s capture of China. Lohmeier highlights examples of laws advocated by the Democratic Socialists of America – whose worldview is influenced by Marxism – as well as interpretations of historic events such as the January 6th Protests at the U.S. Capital Building.

As a whole, my primary criticism of Lohmeier’s book is in the descriptions of actors and networks in the U.S. that are currently involved in political and ideological activism. In the first chapter, for example, he describes how (1) materials written by an author (Hannah-Jones) that had received a fellowship to study in Cuba, (2) produced by a foundation started by Howard Zinn and (3) promoted by a group whose roots trace to the United States Social Forum made their way into a suggested reading list for high school students and enlisted personnel. And yet there is no mention of the fact that Zinn was a founding member of the Cuban and Venezuelan-directed Networks of Artists and Intellectuals in Defense of Humanity, nor the relationship of Black Lives Matter’s founders, executives and elders’ relationship to the World Social Forum and the Cuban and Venezuelan. Because of this lack of intelligence-based analysis, amorphous descriptions of the groups involved in the force as being a “potent cultural force” seem to be merely creatures of individual choices responding to national issues even though they are not.

Lohmeier’s focus of the book primarily being on “Marxism’s Goal of Conquest” – however – this is understandable. Assessed from this vantage point the book is a success – though I do wish that more focus would have been given on examples of how DEI/crypto-Marxism has impacted U.S. military culture.

Review of Global Democracy and the World Social Forums

Global Democracy and the World Social Forums (International Studies Intensives) 

by Jackie Smith, Marina Karides, Marc Becker, Dorval Brunelle, Christopher Chase-Dunn, Donatella Della Porta

Chapter One

Globalization and the Emergence of the World Social Forums

(2)

The WSF process – by which we mean the networked, repeated, interconnected, and multilevel gatherings of diverse groups of people around the aim of bringing about a more just and humane world – and the possibilities and challenges this process holds.

Civil society has been largely shut out of the process of planning an increasingly powerful global economy.

(3)

The WSF has become an important, but certainly not the only, focal point for the global justice movement. It is a setting where activists can meet their counterparts from other parts of the world, expand their understandings of globalization and of the interdependencies among the world’s people, and plan joint campaigns to promote their common aims. It allows people to actively debate proposals for organizing global policy while nurturing values of tolerance, equality, and participation. And it has generated some common ideas about other visions for a better world. Unlike the WEF, the activities of the WSF are crucial to cultivating a foundation for a more democratic global economic and political order.

(4) WSF seeks to develop a transnational political identity

The WSF not only fosters networking among activists from different places, but it also plays a critical role in supporting what might be called a transnational counterpublic. Democracy requires public spaces for the articulation of different interests and visions of desirable futures. If we are to have a more democratic global system, we need to enable more citizens to become active participants in global policy discussions.

The WSF… also provides routine contact among the countless individuals and organizations working to address common grievances against global economic and political structures. This contact is essential for helping activists shar analyses and coordinate strategies, but it is also indispensable as a means of reaffirming a common commitment to and vision of “another world,” especially when day-to-day struggles often dampen such hope. Isolated groups lack information and creative input needed to innovate and adapt their strategies. IN the face of repression, exclusion, and ignorance, this transnational solidarity helps energize those who challenge the structures of global capitalism.

Aided by the Internet and an increasingly dense web of transnational citizens networks, the WSF and its regional and local counterparts dramatize the unity among diverse local struggles and encourage coordination among activists working at local, national and transnational levels.

(7) WSF values protests over permanent deliberative political bodies

Depoliticization is driven by the belief that democracy muddles leadership and economic efficiency. This crisis of democracy is reflected in the proliferation of public protests and other forms of citizen political participation, which are seen by the neoliberals as resulting from excessive citizen participation in democracy

(8) Reports claiming democratic crisis

The crisis of democracy was a diagnosis developed by political and economic elites in the 1970s, a time when the WEF was first launched. Two reports had a profound impact on how governments came to refine their relations with their citizens and social organizations in the ensuing years. The first was a report made to the Trilateral Commission in 1975 [The Crisis of Democracy: Report on the Governability of Democracies to the Trilateral Commission] and the second was a 1995 Commission on Global Governance Report.

(10-11) Pre-WSF summits propose radical recommendations to empower NGOs via UN

The growing participation of civil society organizations in UN-sponsored conferences reflected the need for some form of global governance in an increasingly interlinked global economy.

…it was the second Earth Summit in 1992 that revealed the difficulties besetting world governance and eventually led to the Commission on Global Governance. The commission report, Our Global Neighborhood, acknowledged that national governments had become less and less able to deal with a growing array of global problems. It argued that the international system should be renewed for three basic reasons: to weave a tighter fabric of international norms, to expand the rule of law worldwide, and to enable citizens to exert their democratic influence on global processes. To reach these goals, the commission proposed a set of “radical” recommendations, most notably the reform and expansion of the UN Security Council, the replacement of ECOSOC by and Economic Security Council (ESC), and an annual meeting of a Forum of Civil Society that would allow the people and their organizations, as part of “an international civil society,” to play a larger role in addressing global concerns

(12) WSF on the need to influence transnational corporations

The report also stated that global governance cannot rest on governments or public sector activity alone, but should rely on transnational corporations – which “account for a substantial and growing slice of economic activity.

(13) WSF as a form of Revolutionary Rupture

The WSF… grows from the work of many people throughout history working to advance a just and equitable global order. In this sense, it constitutes a new body politic, a common public space where previously excluded voices can speak and act in plurality. …we propose to see the WSF not as the logical consequence of global capitalism but rather as the foundation for a new form of politics that breaks with the historical sequence of events that led to the dominance of neoliberal globalization.

(14) WSF Precursors were a Communist Uprising and Anarchist/Communist Direct Action

The WSF is a culmination of political actions for social justice, peace, human rights, labor rights, and ecological preservation that resist neoliberal globalization and its attempts to depoliticize the world’s citizens.

More than any other global actions or transnational networking, the Zapatista uprising in Chiapas, beginning January 1, 1994, and the anti-WTO protests in Seattle in November 1999 were perhaps the most direct precursors to the WSF.

(16) Convergence of interests between Western Environmentalists and Unionists

…in the global north, or the rich Western countries, citizens were organizing around a growing number of environmental problems. Environmentalists and unionists joined forces with each other, and across nations, to contest proposed international free trade agreements, such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the Multilateral Agreement on Investment.

(17) Rapid rise in the number of Transnational Organizations

…between the early 1970s and the late 1990s, the number of transnationally organized social change groups rose from less than 200 to nearly 1,000…

Growth of a Transnational Political Identity, Erosion of National Identity

These groups were not only building their own memberships, but they were also forging relationships with other nongovernmental actors and with international agencies, including the United Nations. In the process, they nurtured transnational identities and a broader world culture.

(18) National economic and political agreements supersedes the UN

Many environmental and human rights agreements were being superseded by the WTO, which was formed in 1994 and which privileged international trade law over other international agreements. Agreements made in the UN were thus made irrelevant by the new global trade order, in which increasingly powerful transnational corporations held sway.

(19) Organizational mode originated in Latin America

The model of the “encuentro,” a meeting that is organized around a collectivity of interests without hierarchy, on which the Zapatistas and later the WSF process built, emerged from transnational feminist organizing in Latin America.

The events of Chiapas and Seattle reflect not simply resistance to globalized capitalism, but rather they were catalysts to a new political dynamic within the global landscape.

Chapter Two: What are the World Social Forums?

(27) WSF is an Organizational Apparatus which claims to be without Leadership

The WSF was put forward as an “open space” for exchanging ideas, resources, and information; building networks and alliances; and promoting concrete alternatives to neoliberal globalization. Both open space and networks are organizational concepts used by the global justice movement to ensure more equitable participation than occurs, for instance, in traditional political parties and unions.

The WSF process emphasizes “horizontality,” to increase opportunities for grassroots participation among members rather than promote “vertical” integration were decisions are made at the top and reverberate down.

(28) WSF as a Segmented, Polycentric, Ideological Networks

Since its first meeting in Porto Alegre, Brazil, in 2001, the WSF has reflected a networking logic prevalent within contemporary social movements and global justice movements in particular. Facilitated by new information technologies, and inspired by earlier Zapatista solidarity activism and anti-free trade campaign, global justice movements emerged through the rapid proliferation of decentralized network forms. New Social Movements (NSM) theorists have long argued that in contrast to the centralized, vertically integrated, working-class movements, newer feminist, ecological, and student movements are organized around flexible, dispersed, and horizontal networks.

(29) Technology links Transnational Activist Planning and Actions

New information technologies have significantly enhanced the most radically decentralized network configurations, facilitating transnational coordination and communication.

Rather than recruiting, the objective becomes horizontal expansion through articulated diverse movements within flexible structures that facilitate coordination and communication.

Self-Identification as Networking Organizations

Considerable evidence of this cultural logic of networking is found among organizations participating in the European Social Forum (ESF). About 80 percent of sampled organizations mention collaboration and networking with other national and transnational organizations as a main raison d’etre of their groups. Many groups also emphasize the importance of collaboration with groups working on different issues but sharing the same values. Some groups even refer to themselves as network organizations.

Furthermore, research at the University of California- Riverside found that “networking” as a reason for attending the 2005 WSF was more common among nonlocal respondents (60 percent) than Brazilian respondents.

(30) Social Movement Interaction defines Identity

Struggles within and among different movement networks shape how specific networks are produced, how they develop, and how they relate to others within broader social movement fields.

(31) WSF provided Marxists opportunity to network with NGOs

The WSF provided an opportunity for the traditional left (verticals), including many reformists, Marxists, and Trotskyists, to claim a leadership role within an emerging global protest movement…

(32) The WSF process conceived of as a decentralized organization

The WSF is not an actor that develops its own programs or strategies, but rather it provides and infrastructure within which groups, movements, and networks of like mind can come together, share ideas and experiences, and build their own proposals or platforms for action. The forum thus helps actors come together across their differences, while facilitating the free and open flow of information.

(35) The WSF is NOT a decentralized organization

A system and hierarchy persists within the forum itself.

(38) The WSF is NOT a decentralized organization

The WSF does have its pyramids of power. April Biccum, for example, contends that it would be naïve to assume “that the open space is space without struggle, devoid of politics and power.

Many of the grassroots activists have criticized the International Council, as well as local and regional organizing committees, for acting precisely as a closed space of representation and power, limited to certain prominent international organizations and networks with access to information and sufficient resources to travel.

Chapter Three

Who Participates in the World Social Forums?

(49) Participatory Democracy

Social change requires that civil society influence other social actors, such as political parties and government officials, and therefore others believe that involving such actors in the WSF is essential.

(54) Network composition

A majority of WSF participants are intellectuals and professionals – 36%.

(56) WSF as a long term strategy for political change

The WSF’s desire and demand for a greater role for civil society in economic decisionmaking cannot quickly overcome the structural barriers that the global economy places on workers.

(62) Twenty percent of attendees in the Socialist/Communist movement

The majority of respondents in this sample expressed support for abolishing and replacing capitalism… 14 percent identified as active in the socialist movement, five percent claimed active involvement in the communist movement, and 3 percent in the anarchist movement.

(64) Political Parties play a role in the Party

Despite their formal exclusion from the WSF, representative of political parties and governments have played important and visible roles within it as well as local and regional forums. Some WSF participants are also beginning to explore issues surrounding the formation of global political parties.

(69) Latin American Leftist Parties Play Supporting Role in the WSF

Depending on the political context, parties can have very different roles and relationships within the social forum process. In many South American countries, including Argentina, Brazil, Venezuela, Chile, Uruguay, and Bolivia, leftist parties are on the rise, and many activists see them as vehicles for social change, even though these activists might be critical of the parties policies.

(70) WSF and link to Brazilian Communist Party

As the WSF grew, the necessity of its reliance on traditional state structures became increasingly apparent.

Lula announced that he was leaving the World Economic Forum “to demonstrate that another world is possible; Davos must listen to Porto Alegre.”

(72) Hugo Chavez’s positive assessment of the WSF

Chavez consciously contrasted his reception, his political positions, and the situation in Venezuela with those of his last visit in 2003. He also spoke of his dream for a unified Latin America, now made more real with leftist presidents Nestor Kirchner and Tabare Vasquez in power in Argentina and Uruguay. Chavez noted that the WSF was the most important political event in the world. Venezuelans, he noted, “are here to learn from other experiments.”

(73) WSF Advocates seek to link it to political parties

Other activists also argue for a closer relationship between social movements and political parties. According to Chris Nineham and Alex Callinicos, “it was a mistake to impose a ban on parties, since political organizations are inextricably intermingled with social movements and articulate different strategies and visions that are a legitimate contribution to the debates that take place in the social forum”. Bernard Cassen, a promoted of the WSF, argues pointedly: “We can no longer afford the luxury of preserving a wall between elected representative and social movements if they share the same global objectives of resisting neoliberalism. With due respect for the autonomy of the parties involved, such wide cooperation should become a central objective of the Forums.”

(74-75) WSF as an Incubator for a Global [Socialist] Party

Because of the negative connotations associated with political parties, some activists and intellectuals seeking to challenge the power of global governance institutions are calling for the creation and spread of new kinds of political agency, such as “political cooperative” or “political instruments”. Yet, political parties can take multiple forms and it is important not to reproduce false dichotomies between civil society organizations and parties given the historically variable and complex interrelationships between them.

…many activists in other parts of the world have actively contributed to the rise of socialist parties, and worked both inside and outside of electoral and legislative arenas to pursue social change.

Horizontally organized groups who are coordinating their political activities transnationally can be thought of as global networks, or even as world parties.

Since the nineteenth century, nonelites have organized world parties.

The contemporary efforts by activists to overcome cultural differences; deal with potential and actual contradictory interests among workers, women, environmentalists, consumers, and indigenous peoples’ and solve other problems of the north and south need to be informed by both the failures and the successes of these earlier struggles.

…the forum process does not preclude subgroups from organizing new political instruments, and there seems to be an increasing tendency for more structured and coordinated global initiatives to emerge from the forum process.

(76) WSF as a means for preparing activists to influence political institutions

While there may have been a number of criticisms made of the WST by activists, many see the WSF as an important instrument for preparing the public to participate actively within, and influence the decisions of, such institutions.

Smith argues that the WSF is a “foundation for a more democratic global polity,” since it enables citizens of many countries to develop shared values and preferences, to refine their analysis and strategies, and to improve their skills at international dialogue.

Chapter Four

Reformism or Radical Change: What Do World Social Forum Participants Want?

(79) Forum functions to bring together anti-capitalists

Despite disagreement on many issues, most participants share certain fundamental points in common, most notably the desire to help people take back democratic control over their daily lives. Whether this should happen through the destruction of the capitalist system, as radicals would argue, or through regulating the global economy, as reformists would content is a matter of intense debate.

(81-84) Four types of WSF participants

We divide forum participants into four political sectors: institutional movements, traditional leftists, network-based movements, and autonomous movements. These categories help provide a road map, but in practice the dictions we make are more fluid and dynamic than presented here.

Institutional actors operate within formal democratic structures, aiming to establish social democracy or socialism at the national or global level. This sector primarily involved political parties, unions, and large NGOs, which are generally reformist in political orientation, vertically structured, and characterized by representative forms of participation, including elected leaders, voting, and membership.

Traditional leftists include various tendencies on the radical left, including traditional Marxists and Trotskyists, who identify as anti-capitalist, but tend to organize within vertical organizations where elected leaders rather than a wider range of members make organizational decisions.

Network-Based Movements involves grassroots activists associated with decentralized, direct action-oriented networks… [and] are often allied with popular movement in both the global north and south that have a strong base among poor people and people of color.

Autonomous movements mainly emphasize local struggles. They also engage in transnational networking, but their primary focus is on local self-management. …[They] stress alternatives based on self-management and directly democratic decision-making. Projects include squatting land and abandoned buildings, grassroots food production, alternative currency systems, and creating horizontal networks of exchange.

(85) Majority of WSF want to Abolish Capitalism Rather than Reform It

Results from the 2005 University of California-Riverside survey indicate that a majority of, or 54 percent of, all respondents expressed the belief that capitalism should be abolished and replaced with a better system, rather than reformed.

(87) UN as a Constitutional Model to be Adopted by Revolutionaries

For many, the United Nations could provide an alternative institutional arrangement that is more democratic and more responsive to the needs of local governments and communities around the world… In this sense, current global political and economic institutions would be abolished and replaced with new kinds of thoroughly democratized institutions.

(89) WSF attendees desire a democratic world government

According to the survey of participants at the 2005 WSF, the majority of respondents (68 percent) think that a democratic world government would be a good idea.

Chapter Five

Global or Local: Where’s the Action

(108) WSF as Coordinator for Transborder Activism

Shortly after the first WSF in 2001, activists working at local and regional levels began organizing parallel forums that made explicit connections to the WSF process.

The networking among activists and the shared understandings that arise from transborder communications and a history of transnational campaigning allow action taking place at multiple sites and scales to contribute to a more or less harmonious global performance.

(115) WSF forums a small part of activism

Although activists actually gather for just a few days, they work together for many months prior to the event, and many also following up their participation in the WSF process by launching new campaigns, developing new organizational strategies, or joining new coalitions. The real action of the social forums is not in the meeting spaces themselves – although these gatherings are very important. Rather, the WSF process ripples into the ongoing activities of the individuals and organizers are part of the process.

(116) WSF enables Collaboration for Transnational Actions

As people gain more experience with the forums, they have learned to make better use of the networking possibilities therein. Indeed, more people are beginning to use the process to launch new and more effective conversations and brainstorming sessions about how to improve popular mobilizing for a more just and peaceful world.

(123) WSF as a process of idea dissemination

The process itself represents a collection of political and economic activities that have much broader and deeper significance. Understanding the impacts of the process requires that we consider the wider effects of the formulation of new relationships at forum events. It also requires that we see how the new ideas are dispersed within a context that supports and celebrates the unity in core values among the diverse array of forum participants.

(128) WSF helps strengthen transnational networks

Problematically, existing political systems provide no real space for citizens to engage in thoughtful and informed debate about how the global political and economic system is organized.

The WSF process contributes to the strengthening of transnational networks of activists that allow the stories of people in different countries to flow freely across highly diverse groups of people.

(129) WSF as site of knowledge transformation and network growth

By coming together in spaces that are largely autonomous from governments and international institutions such as the UN, activists have helped foster experimentation in new forms of global democracy, encouraging the development of skills, analyses, and identities that are essential to a democratic global policy… These activities model a vision of the world that many activists in global justice movements hope to spread.

Chapter Six

Conclusion: The World Social Forum Process and Global Democracy

 

(133)

The WSF process seems to have responded to these tensions by becoming what might be called a form of polycentric governance, or a transborder political body with an organizational architecture that remains fluid, decentralized, and ever evolving…

Because the WSF is a process rather than an organization or an event, it is by intention malleable in ways other international bodies, like the United Nations, are not.

About the Authors

Jackie Smith is Professor, Department of Sociology at the University of Pittsburg. She is also the editor of Journal of World-Systems Research. Smith’s most recent books include Social Movements in the World-System: The Politics of Crisis and Transformation, with Dawn Wiest; Handbook on World Social Forum Activism, co-edited with Scott Byrd, Ellen Reese, & Elizabeth Smythe; Globalization, Social Movements and Peacebuilding, co-edited with Ernesto Verdeja, and Social Movements for Global Democracy (2008).

Marina Karides is assistant professor of sociology at Florida Atlantic University. She is an active participant in the World Social Forums and Sociologists Without Borders. Her recent work considers gendered dimensions of globalization and the global justice movement. She has published articles in Social ProblemsSocial Development Issues, and International Sociology and Social Policy and multiple chapters that critically examine microenterprise development and the plight of informally self-employed persons in the global south. She is currently writing a book on street vendors and spacial rights in the global economy.

Marc Becker teaches Latin American History at Truman State University. His research focuses on constructions of race, class, and gender within popular movements in the South American Andes. He has a forthcoming book on the history of indigenous movements in twentieth-century Ecuador. He is an Organizing Committee member of the Midwest Social Forum (MWSF), a Steering Committee member and web editor for Historians Against the War (HAW), and a member of the Network Institute for Global Democratization (NIGD).

Christopher Chase-Dunn is Distinguished Professor of Sociology and Director of the Institute for Research on World-Systems at the University of California–Riverside. Chase-Dunn is the founder and former editor of the Journal of World-Systems Research and author most recently of Social Change: Globalization from the Stone Age to the Present (Paradigm 2013).

Donatella della Porta is professor of sociology at the European University Institute. Among her recent publications are Globalization from Below (2006); Quale Europa? Europeizzazione, identita e conflitti (2006); Social Movements: An Introduction, Second Edition (2006); and Transnational Protest and Global Activism.

Notes from Transnational Organized Crime, Terrorism, and Criminalized States in Latin America – An Emerging Tier-One National Security Priority

Douglas Farah is an American journalist, national security consultant, a Senior Fellow of Financial Investigations and Transparency at the International Assessment of Strategy Center and also an adjunct fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

Farah served as United Press International bureau chief in El Salvador from 1985 to 1987, and a freelance journalist for The Washington Post, Newsweek, and other publications until being hired as a staff correspondent for The Washington Post in 1992.

These are notes from his monograph published by the Strategic Studies Institute Monograph Transnational Organized Crime, Terrorism, and Criminalized States in Latin America – An Emerging Tier-One National Security Priority in August of 2012.

NOTES

The emergence of new hybrid (state and nonstate) transnational criminal and terrorist franchises in Latin America poses a tier-one security threat for the United States. These organizations operate under broad state protection and undermine democratic governance, sovereignty, growth, trade, and stability.

Leaders of these organizations share a publicly articulated doctrine to employ asymmetric warfare against the United States and its allies that explicitly endorses the use of WMD as a legitimate tactic.

illicit forces in Latin America within criminalized states have begun using tactical operations centers as a means of pursuing their view of statecraft. That brings new elements to the “dangerous spaces” where nonstate actors intersect with regions characterized by weak sovereignty and alternative governance systems. This new dynamic fundamentally alters the structure underpinning global order.

Being capable of understanding and mitigating this threat requires a whole-of-government approach, including collection, analysis, law enforcement, policy, and programming. The traditional state/nonstate dichotomy is no longer useful for an adequate illumination of these problems. Similarly, the historical divide between transnational organized crime and terrorism is becoming increasingly irrelevant.

TRANSNATIONAL ORGANIZED CRIME, TERRORISM, AND CRIMINALIZED STATES IN LATIN AMERICA: AN EMERGING TIER-ONE NATIONAL SECURITY PRIORITY

INTRODUCTION AND GENERAL FRAMEWORK

The Changing Nature of the Threat.

The purpose of this monograph is to identify and discuss the role played by transnational organized crime groups (TOCs) in Latin America, and the inter- play of these groups with criminalizing state structures, “stateless” regions, extra-regional actors, and the multiple networks that exploit them. It particularly focuses on those areas that pose, or potentially pose, a threat to U.S. interests at home and abroad; and, it can be used as a model for understanding similar threats in other parts of the world.

This emerging combination of threats comprises a hybrid of criminal-terrorist, and state and nonstate franchises, combining multiple nations acting in concert, and traditional TOCs and terrorist groups acting as proxies for the nation-states that sponsor them. These hybrid franchises should now be viewed as a tier-one security threat for the United States. Under- standing and mitigating the threat requires a whole- of-government approach, including collection, analysis, law enforcement, policy, and programming. No longer is the state/nonstate dichotomy useful in illuminating these problems, just as the TOC/terrorism divide is increasingly disappearing.

These franchises operate in, and control, specific geographic territories which allow them to function in a relatively safe environment. These pipelines, or recombinant chains of networks, are highly adaptive and able to move a multiplicity of illicit products (cocaine, weapons, humans, and bulk cash) that ultimately cross U.S. borders undetected thousands of times each day. The actors along the pipeline form and dis- solve alliances quickly, occupy both physical and cyber space, and use both highly developed and modern institutions, including the global financial system, as well as ancient smuggling routes and methods.

This totals to some $6.2 trillion— fully 10 percent of the world’s GDP, placing it behind only the United States and the European Union (EU), but well ahead of China, in terms of global GDP ranking.1 Other estimates of global criminal proceeds range from a low of about 4 percent to a high of 15 percent of global GDP.

Latin American networks now extend not only to the United States and Canada, but outward to Sub-Saharan Africa, Europe, and Asia, where they have begun to form alliances with other networks. A clear understanding of how these rela- tionships evolve, and the relative benefits derived from the relationships among and between state and nonstate actors, will greatly enhance the understand- ing of this new hybrid threat.

 

There is no universally accepted definition of “transnational organized crime.” Here it is defined as, at a minimum, serious crimes or offenses spanning at least one border, undertaken by self-perpetuating associations of individuals who cooperate transnationally, motivated primarily by the desire to obtain a financial or other material benefit and/or power and influence.3 This definition can encompass a number of vitally important phenomena not usually addressed by studies of TOC:

  • A spectrum or continuum of state participation in TOC, ranging from strong but “criminalized” states to weak and “captured” states, with various intermediate stages of state criminal behavior.
  • A nexus between TOCs on the one hand, and terrorist and insurgent groups on the other, with a shifting balance between terrorist and criminal activity on both sides of the divide.
  • Recombinant networks of criminal agents, potentially including not only multiple TOCs, but also terrorist groups as well as states and proxies.
  • Enduring geographical “pipelines” for moving various kinds of commodities and illicit profits in multiple directions, to and from a major destination.
  • We have also crafted this definition to be broadly inclusive: It can potentially encompass the virtual world of TOC, e.g., cybercrime;
  • It can be applied to other regions; the recombinant pipelines and networks model offers an analytical framework which can be applied to multiple regions and circumstances.

 

The term criminalized state” used in this mono- graph refers to states where the senior leadership is aware of and involved—either actively or through passive acquiescence—on behalf of the state in trans- national criminal enterprises, where TOC is used as an instrument of statecraft, and where levers of state power are incorporated into the operational structure of one or more TOC groups.

New Actors in Latin American TOC-State Relations.

Significant TOC organizations, principally drug trafficking groups, have posed serious challenges for U.S. security since the rise of the Medellín cartel in the early 1980s, and the growth of the Mexican drug trafficking organizations in the 1990s. In addition, Latin America has a long history of revolutionary movements, from the earliest days of independence, to the Marxist movements that sprouted up across the region in the 1960s to 1980s. Within this context, these groups often served as elements of governance, primarily to advance or defeat the spread of Marxism in the region. These Marxist revolutions were victorious in Cuba and Nicaragua, which, in turn, became state sponsors of external revolutionary movements, themselves relying on significant economic and military support from the Soviet Union and its network of aligned states’ intelligence and security services.

With the end of the Cold War, the negotiated end to numerous armed conflicts (the Farabund Marti National Liberation Front [FMLN] in El Salvador; the Contra rebels in Nicaragua; the Popular Liberation Army [EPL], M-19, and other small groups in Colom- bia), and the collapse of Marxism, most of the armed groups moved into the democratic process. However, this was not true for all groups, and armed nonstate groups are again being sponsored in Latin America under the banner of the “Bolivarian Revolution.”4

Other states that traditionally have had little inter- est or influence in Latin America have emerged over the past decade, primarily at the invitation of the self- described Bolivarian states seeking to establish 21st- century socialism. This bloc of nations—led by Hugo Chávez of Venezuela, also including Rafael Correa of Ecuador, Evo Morales of Bolivia, and Daniel Ortega of Nicaragua—seeks to break the traditional ties of the region to the United States. To this end, the Bolivar- ian alliance has formed numerous organizations and military alliances—including a military academy in Bolivia to erase the vestiges of U.S. military training— which explicitly exclude the United States.

Over the past decade, China’s trade with Latin America has jumped from $10 billion to $179 billion.11 With the increased presence has come a significantly enhanced Chinese intelligence capacity and access across Latin America. At the same time, Chinese Triads—modern remnants of ancient Chinese secret societies that evolved into criminal organizations—are now operating extensive money laundering services for drug trafficking organizations via Chinese banks.

China also has shown a distinct willingness to bail out financially strapped authoritarian governments if the price is right. For example, China lent Venezuela $20 billion, in the form of a joint venture with a company to pump crude oil that China then locked up for a decade at an average price of about $18 a barrel. The money came as Chávez was facing a financial crisis, rolling blackouts, and a severe liquidity shortage across the economy.12 Since then, China has extended several other significant loans to Venezuela, Ecuador, and Bolivia.

The dynamics of the relationship between China and the Bolivarian bloc and its nonstate proxies will be one of the key determinants of the future of Latin America and the survival of the Bolivarian project. Without significant material support from China, the economic model of the Bolivarian alliance will likely collapse under its own weight of statist inefficiency and massive corruption, despite being richly endowed with natural resources.

Chinese leaders likely understand that any real replacement of the Bolivarian structure leadership by truly democratic forces could result in a significant loss of access to the region, and a cancellation of existing contracts. This, in turn, gives China an incentive to continue to support some form of the Bolivarian project going forward, even if ailing leaders such as Chávez and Fidel Castro are no longer on the scene.

While there have been criminalized states in the past (the García Meza regime of “cocaine colonels” in Bolivia in 1980, and Desi Bouterse in Suriname in the 1980s, for ex- ample), what is new with the Bolivarian structure is the simultaneous and mutually supporting merger of state with TOC activities across multiple state and nonstate platforms. While García Meza, Bouterse, and others were generally treated as international pariahs with little outside support, the new criminalized states offer each other economic, diplomatic, political, and military support that shields them from international isolation and allows for mutually reinforcing structures to be built.

Rather than operating in isolation, these groups have complex but significant interaction with each other, based primarily on the ability of each actor or set of actors to provide a critical service while profiting mutually from the transactions.

While not directly addressing the threat from criminalized states, the Strategy notes that:

  • TOC penetration of states is deepening and leading to co-option in some states and weakening of governance in many others. TOC net- works insinuate themselves into the political process through bribery and in some cases have become alternate providers of governance, security, and livelihoods to win popular support. The nexus in some states among TOC groups and elements of government—including intelligence services and personnel—and big business figures, threatens the rule of law.
  • TOC threatens U.S. economic interests and can cause significant damage to the world financial system by subverting legitimate markets. The World Bank estimates that about $1 trillion is spent each year to bribe public officials. TOC groups, through their state relationships, could gain influence over strategic markets.
  • Terrorists and insurgents increasingly are turn- ing to crime and criminal networks for funding and logistics. In fiscal year (FY) 2010, 29 of the 63 top drug trafficking organizations identified by the Department of Justice had links to terror- ist organizations. While many terrorist links to TOC are opportunistic, this nexus is dangerous, especially if it leads a TOC network to facilitate the transfer of WMD material to terrorists.17

Stewart Patrick and others correctly argue that, contrary to the predominant thinking that emerged immediately after September 11, 2001 (9/11) (i.e., failed states are a magnet for terrorist organizations), failed or nonfunctional states are actually less attractive to terrorist organizations and TOC groups than “weak but functional” states.18 But there is another category, perhaps the most attractive of all to TOC and terrorist groups they are allied with: strong and functional states that participate in TOC activities.

The Unrecognized Role of the Criminalized States.

While it is true that TOC penetration of the state threatens the rule of law, as the administration’s strategy notes, it also poses significant new threats to the homeland. Criminalized states frequently use TOCs as a form of statecraft, bringing new elements to the dangerous spaces where nonstate actors intersect with regions of weak sovereignty and alternative governance systems.19 This fundamentally alters the structure of global order.

As the state relationships consolidate, the recombinant criminal-terrorist pipelines become more rooted and thus more dangerous. Rather than being pursued by state law enforcement and intelligence services in an effort to impede their activities, TOC groups (and perhaps terrorist groups) are able to operate in a more stable, secure environment, something that most businesses, both licit and illicit, crave.

Rather than operating on the margins of the state or seeking to co-opt small pieces of the state machinery, the TOC groups in this construct operate in concert with the state on multiple levels. Within that stable environment, a host of new options open, from the sale of weapons, to the use of national aircraft and ship- ping registries, to easy use of banking structures, to the use of national airlines and shipping lines to move large quantities of unregistered goods, and the acquisition of diplomatic passports and other identification means.

Examples of the benefits of a criminal state can be seen across the globe. For example, the breakaway republic of Transnistria, near Moldova, known as “Europe’s Black Hole,” is a notorious weapons trafficking center from which dozens of surface-to-air missiles have disappeared; it is run by former Russian secret police (KGB) officials.

The FARC needs to move cocaine to U.S. and European markets in order to obtain the money necessary to maintain its army of some 9,000 troops. In order to do that, the FARC, with the help of tra- ditional drug trafficking organizations, must move its product through Central America and Mexico to the United States—the same route used by those who want to move illegal aliens to the United States, and those who want to move bulk cash shipments, stolen cars, and weapons from the United States southward. All of these goods traverse the same territory, pass through the same gatekeepers, and are often inter- changeable along the way. A kilo of cocaine can be traded for roughly one ton of AK-47 assault rifles before either of the goods reaches what would normally be its final destination.

Though the presence of a state government (as op- posed to its absence) is ordinarily considered to be a positive situation, the presence of the state is beneficial or positive only if it meets the needs of its people. If the state, as it is in many parts of Latin America and many other parts of the world, is present but is viewed, with good reason, as corrupt, incompetent, and/or predatory, then its presence is not beneficial in terms of creating state strength or state capacity. In fact, where the state is strongest but least accountable for abuses, people often prefer nonstate actors to exercise authority.25

This has led to an underlying conceptual problem in much of the current literature describing regions or territories as “governed” or “ungoverned,” a frame- work that presents a false dichotomy suggesting that the lack of state presence means a lack of a governing authority. “Ungoverned spaces” connotes a lawless region with no controlling authority. In reality, the stateless regions in question almost always fall under the control of nonstate actors who have sufficient force or popular support (or a mixture of both), to impose their decisions and norms, thus creating alternate power structures that directly challenge the state, or that take the role of the state in its absence.

The notion of ungoverned spaces can be more broadly applied to legal, functional, virtual, and social arenas that either are not regulated by states or are contested by non-state actors and spoilers.26

THE NATURE OF THE THREAT IN THE AMERICAS

Old Paradigms Are Not Enough.

Control of broad swaths of land by these nonstate groups in Latin America not only facilitates the movement of illegal products, both northward and south- ward, through transcontinental pipelines, but also undermines the stability of an entire region of great strategic interest to the United States.

The traditional threat is broadly understood to be posed by the illicit movement of goods (drugs, money, weapons, and stolen cars), people (human traffic, gang members, and drug cartel enforcers), and the billions of dollars these illicit activities generate in an area where states have few resources and little legal or law enforcement capacity .

As Moisés Naim wrote:

Ultimately, it is the fabric of society which is at stake. Global illicit trade is sinking entire industries while boosting others, ravaging countries and sparking booms, making and breaking political careers, desta- bilizing some governments and propping up others.27

The threat increases dramatically with the nesting of criminal/terrorist groups within governments that are closely aligned ideologically, such as Iran and the Bolivarian states in Latin America, and that are identified sponsors of designated terrorist groups, including those that actively participate in the cocaine trafficking trade.

While Robert Killebrew28 and Max Manwaring29 make compelling cases that specific parts of this dangerous cocktail could be defined as insurgencies (narco-insurgency in Mexico and gangs in Central America, respectively), the new combination of TOC, criminalized states, and terrorist organizations presents a new reality that breaks the traditional paradigms.

While Mexico is not the focus of this monograph, the regional convulsions from Mexico through Central America are not viewed as a narco-insurgency. Instead, this hybrid mixture of groups with a variety of motives, including those engaged in TOC, insurgencies, and criminalized states with a declared hatred for the United States, is something new and in many ways more dangerous than a traditional insurgency.

The New Geopolitical Alignment.

The visible TOC threats are only a part of the geo- strategic threats to the United States emerging from Latin America’s current geopolitical alignment. The criminalized states are already extending their grip on power through strengthened alliances with hostile outside state and quasi-state actors such as Iran and Hezbollah. The primary unifying theme among these groups is a deep hatred for the United States.

they have carried out a similar pattern of rewriting the constitution to concentrate powers in the executive and to allow for unlimited reelection; a systematic takeover of the judiciary by the executive and the subsequent criminalizing of the opposition through vaguely worded laws and constitutional amendments that make it illegal to oppose the revolution; systematic attacks on independent news media, and the use of criminal libel prosecutions to silence media critics; and, overall, the increasing criminalization of the state. These measures are officially justified as necessary to ensure the revolution can be carried out without U.S. “lackeys” sabotaging it.

The Model: Recombinant Networks and Geographical Pipelines.

To understand the full significance of the new geopolitical reality in Latin America, it is necessary to think in terms of the geopolitics of TOC. Because of the clandestine nature of the criminal and terrorist activities, designed to be as opaque as possible, one must start from the assumption that, whatever is known of specific operations along the criminal-terrorist pipeline, or whatever combinations of links are seen, represents merely a snapshot in time, not a video of continuing events. Moreover, it is often out of date by the time it is assessed.

Nonstate armed actors as treated in this mono- graph are defined as:

  • Terrorist groups, motivated by religion, politics, ethnic forces, or at times, even by financial considerations;
  • Transnational criminal organizations, both structured and disaggregated, including third generation gangs as defined by Manwaring;35
  • Militias that control “black hole” or “stateless” sectors of one or more national territories; Insurgencies, which have more well-defined and specific political aims within a particular national territory, but may operate from out- side of that national territory.

“In some cases, the terrorists simply imitate the criminal behavior they see around them, borrowing techniques such as credit card fraud and extortion in a phenomenon we refer to as activity appropriation. This is a shared approach rather than true interaction, but it often leads to more intimate connections within a short time.” This can evolve into a more symbiotic relationship, which in turn can (but many do not) turn into hybrid groups.38

While the groups that overlap in different networks are not necessarily allies, and in fact occasionally are enemies, they often can and do make alliances of convenience that are short-lived and shifting. Even violent drug cartels, which regularly engage in bloody turf battles, also frequently engage in truces and alliances, although most end when they are no longer mutually beneficial or the balance of power shifts among them.

Another indication of the scope of the emerging alliances is the dramatic rise of Latin American drug trafficking organizations operating in West Africa, for onward shipment to Western Europe. Among the drug trafficking organizations found to be working on the ground in West Africa are the FARC, Mexican drug cartels, Colombian organizations, and Italian organized crime. It is worth bearing in mind that al- most every major load of cocaine seized in West Africa in recent years has been traced to Venezuela as the point of origin.

This overlapping web of networks was described in a July 2010 federal indictment from the Southern District of New York, which showed that drug trafficking organizations in Colombia and Venezuela, including the FARC, had agreed to move several multi-ton loads of cocaine through Liberia en route to Europe.

The head of Liberian security forces, who is also the son of the president, negotiated the transshipment deals with a Colombian, a Russian, and three West Africans.

On December 8, 2011, it aired footage of the Iranian ambassador in Mexico urging a group of Mexican university students who were hackers to launch broad cyber attacks against U.S. defense and intelligence facilities, claiming such an attack would be “bigger than 9/11.”

Geographical “Pipelines.”

The central feature binding together these disparate organizations and networks which, in aggregate, make up the bulk of nonstate armed actors, is the in- formal (meaning outside legitimate state control and competence) “pipeline” or series of overlapping pipe- lines that these operations need to move products, money, weapons, personnel, and goods. The pipelines often form well-worn, customary, geographical routes and conduits developed during past conflicts, or traditionally used to smuggle goods without paying taxes to the state. Their exploitation by various communities, organizations, and networks yields recognizable patterns of activity.

The geography of the pipelines may be seen as both physical (i.e., terrain and topography), and human (i.e., historical and sociological patterns of local criminal activity).

These regions may develop their own cultures that accept what the state considers to be illicit activities as normal and desirable. This is especially true in areas where the state has been considered an enemy for generations.

The criminal pipeline itself is often a resource in dispute, and one of the primary sources of violence. Control of the pipeline can dramatically alter the relative power among different trafficking groups, as has been seen in the ongoing war between the Juarez and Sinaloa cartels in Mexico.47 Because of the lucrative nature of control of the actual physical space of the pipeline, these types of conflicts are increasingly carried out in gruesome fashion in Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador.

These states are not collapsing. They risk becoming shell-states: sovereign in name, but hollowed out from the inside by criminals in collusion with corrupt officials in the government and the security services. This not only jeopardizes their survival, it poses a serious threat to regional security because of the trans-national nature of the crimes.

CRIMINALIZING STATES AS NEW REGIONAL ACTORS

While nonstate actors make up the bulk of criminal agents engaged in illicit activities, state actors play an increasingly important yet under-reported role. That role pertains in part to the availability of pipeline territory, and in part to the sponsorship and even direction of criminal activity. TOC groups can certainly exploit the geographical vulnerabilities of weak or failing states, but they also thrive on the services provided by stronger states.

There are traditional categories for describing state performance as developed by Robert Rotberg and others in the wake of state failures at the end of the Cold War. The premise is that that “nation-states fail because they are convulsed by internal violence and can no longer deliver positive political goods to their inhabitants.”52 These categories are:

  • Strong, i.e., able to control its territory and offer quality political goods to its people;
  • Weak, i.e., filled with social tensions, the state has only a limited monopoly on the use of force;
  • Failed, i.e., in a state of conflict with a preda- tory ruler, with no state monopoly on the use of force;
  • Collapsed, i.e., no functioning state institutions and a vacuum of authority.

This conceptualization, while useful, is extremely limited, as is the underlying premise. It fails to make a critical distinction between countries where the state has little or no power in certain areas and may be fighting to assert that control, and countries where the government, in fact, has a virtual monopoly on power and the use of force, but turns the state into a functioning criminal enterprise for the benefit of a small elite.

The 4-tier categorization also suffers from a significant omission with regard to geographical areas of operation rather than criminal actors. The model pre- supposes that stateless regions are largely confined within the borders of a single state.

 

State absence can be the product of a successful bid for local dominance by TOC groups, but it can also result from a perception on the part of the local population that the state poses a threat to their communities, livelihoods, or interests.

 

 

A 2001 Naval War College report insightfully described some of the reasons in terms of “commercial” and “political” in- surgencies. These are applicable to organized criminal groups as well and have grown in importance since then:

The border zones offer obvious advantages for political and economic insurgencies. Political insurgents prefer to set up in adjacent territories that are poorly integrated, while the commercial insurgents favor active border areas, preferring to blend in amid business and government activity and corruption. The border offers a safe place to the political insurgent and easier access to communications, weapons, provisions, transport, and banks.

For the commercial insurgency, the frontier creates a fluid, trade-friendly environment. Border controls are perfunctory in ‘free trade’ areas, and there is a great demand for goods that are linked to smuggling, document fraud, illegal immigration, and money laundering.

For the political insurgency, terrain and topography often favor the narco-guerilla. Jungles permit him to hide massive bases and training camps, and also laboratories, plantations, and clandestine runways. The Amazon region, huge and impenetrable, is a clear example of the shelter that the jungle areas give. On all of Colombia’s borders—with Panama, Ecuador, Brazil, and Venezuela—jungles cloak illegal activity.

The Weak State-Criminal State Continuum.

One may array the degree of state control of, or par- ticipation in, criminal activity along a spectrum (see Figure 2). At one end are strong but criminal states, with the state acting as a TOC element or an important component of a TOC group.

In Latin America, the government of Suriname (formerly Dutch Guiana) in the 1980s and early 1990s under Desi Bouterse, a convicted drug trafficker with strong ties to the FARC, was (and perhaps still is) an operational player in an ongoing criminal enterprise and benefited from it.

Bouterse’s only public defender in the region is Hugo Chávez of Venezuela.

Again, the elements of TOC as statecraft can be seen. Chávez reportedly funded Bouterse’s improbable electoral comeback in Suriname, funneling money to his campaign and hosting him in Venezuela on several visits.60 While no other heads of state accepted Bouterse’s invitation to attend his inauguration, Chávez did, although he had to cancel at the last minute. In recompense, he promised to host Bouterse on a state visit to Venezuela.

One of the key differences between the Bolivarian alliance and earlier criminalized states in the region is the mutually reinforcing structure of the alliance. While other criminalized states have been widely viewed as international pariahs and broadly shunned, thus hastening their demise, the new Bolivarian structures unite several states in a joint, if loosely-knit, criminal enterprise. This ensures these mutually sup- porting regimes can endure for much longer.

At the other end are weak and captured states, where certain nodes of governmental authority, whether local or central, have been seized by TOCs, who in turn are the primary beneficiaries of the proceeds from the criminal activity. Penetration of the state usually centers on one or more of three functions: judiciary (to ensure impunity), border control and customs (to ensure the safe passage of persons and goods), and legislature (to codify the structures necessary to TOC organizations, such as a ban on extradition, weak asset forfeiture laws, etc.). It also is more local in its focus, rather than national.

Typically, TOC elements aim at dislodging the state from local territory, rather than assuming the role of the state in overall political authority across the country. As Shelley noted, “Older crime groups, often in long-established states, have developed along with their states and are dependent on existing institution- al and financial structures to move their products and invest their profits.”

By definition, insurgents aim to wrest political control from the state and transfer it to their own leadership.

“Captured states” are taken hostage by criminal organizations, often through intimidation and threats, giving the criminal enterprise access to some parts of the state apparatus. Guatemala would be an example: the government lacks control of roughly 60 percent of the national territory, with the cartels enjoying local power and free access to the border; but the central government itself is not under siege.

In the middle range between the extremes, more criminalized cases include participation in criminal activity by state leaders, some acting out of personal interest, others in the interest of financing the services or the ideology of the state. A variant of this category occurs when a functioning state essentially turns over, or “franchises out” part of its territory to non- state groups to carry out their own agenda with the blessing and protection of the central government or a regional power. Both state and nonstate actors share in the profits and proceeds from criminal activity thus generated. Venezuela under Hugo Chávez is perhaps the clearest example of this model in the region, given his relationship with the FARC.

Hugo Chávez and the FARC: The Franchising Model.

Chávez’s most active support for the FARC came after the FARC had already become primarily a drug trafficking organization vice political insurgency. The FARC has also traditionally earned considerable income (and wide international condemnation) from the kidnapping for ransom of hundreds of individuals, in violation of the Geneva Convention and other international conventions governing armed conflicts. It was impossible, by the early part of the 21st century, to separate support for the FARC from support for TOC, as these two activities were the insurgent group’s primary source of income.

Chávez had cultivated a relationship with the FARC long before becoming president. As one recent study of internal FARC documents noted:

When Chávez became president of Venezuela in February 1999, FARC had not only enjoyed a relationship with him for at least some of the previous seven years but had also penetrated and learned how to best use Venezuelan territory and politics, manipulating and building alliances with new and traditional Venezuelan political sectors, traversing the Colombia-Venezuela border in areas ranging from coastal desert to Amazonian jungle and building cooperative relation- ships with the Venezuelan armed forces. Once Chávez was inaugurated, Venezuelan border security and foreign policies shifted in the FARC’s favor.67

Perhaps the strongest public evidence of the importance of Venezuela to the FARC is the public fingering of three of Chávez’s closest advisers and senior government officials by the U.S Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC).

OFAC said the three—Hugo Armando Carvajál, director of Venezuelan Military Intelligence; Henry de Jesus Rangél, director of the Venezuelan Directorate of Intelligence and Prevention Services; and Ramón Emilio Rodriguez Chacín, former minister of justice and former minister of interior—were responsible for “materially supporting the FARC, a narco-terrorist organization.” It specifically accused Carvajál and Rangél of protecting FARC cocaine shipments moving through Venezuela, and said Rodriguez Chacín, who resigned his government position just a few days before the designations, was the “Venezuelan government’s main weapons contact for the FARC.”

According to the U.S. indictment against him, Makled exported at least 10 tons of cocaine a month to the United States by keeping more than 40 Venezuelan generals and senior government officials on his payroll. “All my business associates are generals. The highest,” Makled said. “I am telling you, we dis- patched 300,000 kilos of coke. I couldn’t have done it without the top of the government.”75 What added credibility to Makled’s claims were the documents he presented showing what appear to be the signatures of several generals and senior Ministry of Interior officials accepting payment from Makled. “I have enough evidence to justify the invasion of Venezuela” as a criminal state, he said.76

The FARC and Bolivia, Ecuador, and Nicaragua.

Since the electoral victories of Correa in Ecuador and Morales in Bolivia, and the re-election of Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua, their governments have actively supported FARC rebels in their war of more than 4 decades against the Colombian state, as well as significant drug trafficking activities.77 While Ecuador and Venezuela have allowed their territory to be used for years as rear guard and transshipment stations for the FARC and other drug trafficking organizations, Bolivia has become a recruitment hub and safe haven; and Nicaragua, a key safe haven and weapons procurement center. In addition, several senior members of both the Correa and Morales administrations have been directly implicated in drug trafficking incidents, showing the complicity of the state in the criminal enterprises.

In Bolivia, the Morales government, which has maintained cordial ties with the FARC at senior levels,78 has, as noted, faced an escalating series of drug trafficking scandals at the highest levels.79 It is worth noting that Alvaro García Linera, the nation’s vice president and a major power center in the Morales administration, was a member of the armed Tupac Katari Revolutionary Movement (Movimiento Revolucionario Tupak Katari [MRTK]), an ally of the FARC, and served several years in prison.

An analysis of the Reyes computer documents concluded that the FARC donated several hundred thousand dollars to Correa’s campaign,84 a conclusion drawn by other national and international investigations.85 The Reyes documents show senior Ecuadoran officials meeting with FARC commanders and offering to remove certain commanders in the border region so the FARC would not be under so much pressure on the Ecuadoran side.

A closer friend, at least for a time, was Hugo Mol- dis, who helped found the MAS and has been one of the movement’s intellectual guides, and was seriously considered for senior cabinet positions. Instead, he was given the job as leader of the government-backed confederation of unions and social groups called the “People’s High Command” (Estado Mayor del Pueblo [EMP]),93 and he maintains a fairly high profile as journalist and writer for several Marxist publications.

The EMP was one of the principal vehicles of the MAS and its supporters in forcing the 2003 resignation of the government of Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada, and Morales, as president, named it the organization responsible for giving social movements a voice in the government.

Moldiz told the group that “our purpose is to defend the government, defend the political process of change, which we have conquered with blood, strikes, marches, sacrifice, and pain. Our main enemy is called United States imperialism and the Bolivian oligarchy.”95

The Regional Infrastructure.

Brazil and Peru, while not actively supporting the FARC, have serious drug trafficking issues to contend with on their own and exercise little real control over their border regions. Despite this geographic and geopolitical reality, Colombia has undertaken a costly and somewhat successful effort to reestablish state control in many long-abandoned regions of its own national territory. Yet the Colombian experience offers an object lesson in the limits of what can be done even if the political will exists and if significant national treasure is invested in reestablishing a positive state presence. Once nonstate actors have established uncontested authority over significant parts of the national territory, the cost of recouping control and establishing a functional state presence is enormous.

It becomes even more costly when criminal/terrorist groups such as the FARC become instruments of regional statecraft. The FARC has been using its ideological affinity with Correa, Morales, Chávez, and Nicaragua’s Ortega to press for a change in status to “belligerent group” in lieu of terrorist entity or simple insurgency. “Belligerent” status is a less pejorative term and brings certain international protections.

the FARC and its political arm, the Continental Bolivarian Movement (Movimiento Continental Bolivariano[MCB] discussed below), has become a vehicle for a broader-based alliance of nonstate armed groups seeking to end the traditional democratic representative government model and replace it with an ideology centered on Marxism, anti-globalization, and anti-United States.

…not all states are criminal, not all TOCs are engaged in terrorism or collude with terrorist groups, and not all terrorist groups conduct criminal activities. The overlap between all three groups constitutes a small but highly dangerous subset of cases, and ap- plies most particularly to the Bolivarian states.

The TOC-Terrorist State Alliance.

At the center of the nexus of the Bolivarian move- ment with TOC, terrorism, and armed revolution is the FARC, and its political wing, the Continental Boli- varian Coordinator (Coordinadora Continental Bolivari- ana [CCB]), a continental political movement founded in 2003, funded and directed by the FARC. In 2009, the CCB officially changed its name to the MCB to re- flect its growth across Latin America. For purposes of consistency, we refer to the organization as the CCB throughout this monograph.

In a November 24, 2004, letter from Raúl Reyes, the FARC’s second-in-command, to another member of the FARC General Secretariat, he laid out the FARC’s role in the CCB, as well as the Chávez government’s role, in the following unambiguous terms:

The CCB has the following structure: an executive, some chapters by region . . . and a “foreign legion.” Headquarters: Caracas. It has a newspaper called “Correo Bolivariano,” [Bolivarian Mail] and Internet site and an FM radio station heard throughout Caracas. . . . This is an example of coordinated struggle for the creation of the Bolivarian project. We do not exclude any forms of struggle. It was founded in Fuerte Tiuna in Caracas. [Author’s Note: Fuerte Tiuna is the main government military and intelligence center in Venezuela, and this is a clear indication that the Venezuelan government fully supported the founding of the organization.] The political ammunition and the leadership is provided by the FARC. 97

According to an internal FARC report dated March 11, 2005, on the CCB’s activities in 2004, there were already active groups in Mexico, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Venezuela, and Chile. International brigades from the Basque region of Spain, Italy, France, and Denmark were operational. Work was underway in Argentina, Guatemala, and Brazil. The number of organizations that were being actively coordinated by the CCB was listed at 63, and there were “political relations” with 45 groups and 25 institutions. The CCB database contained 500 e-mails.

Numerous other documents show that different Bolivarian governments directly supported the CCB, whose president is always the FARC leader.

The government of Rafael Correa in Ecuador of- ficially hosted the second congress of the organization in Quito in late February 2008. The meeting was at- tended by members of Peru’s Tupac Amaru Revolu- tionary Movement (Movimiento Revolucionario Tupac Amaru [MRTA]); the Mapuches and MIR of Chile; Spain’s ETA, and other terrorist and insurgent groups.

The 2009 meeting at which the CCB became the MCB was held in Caracas and the keynote address was given Alfonso Cano, the current FARC leader. Past FARC leaders are honorary presidents of the organization.101 This places the FARC—a well-identified drug trafficking organization with significant ties to the major Mexican drug cartels102 and a designated terrorist entity with a broad-based alliance that spans the globe—directly in the center of a state-sponsored project to fundamentally reshape Latin America and its political structure and culture.

The importance of the cocaine transit increase through Venezuela was documented by the U.S. Government Accountability Office, which estimates that the product transit rose fourfold from 2004 to 2007, from 60 metric tons to 240 metric tons.

Finally, the CCB, as a revolutionary meeting house for “anti-imperialist” forces around the world, provides the political and ideological underpinning and justification for the growing alliance among the Bolivarian states, again led by Chávez, and Iran, led by Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

Hezbollah’s influence extends to the nature of the war and diplomacy pursued by Chávez and his Bolivarian comrades. The franchising model strongly resembles the template pioneered by Hezbollah.

THE BOLIVARIAN AND IRANIAN REVOLUTIONS: THE TIES THAT BIND

The most common assumption among those who view the Iran-Bolivarian alliance as troublesome, and many do not view it as a significant threat at all, is that there are two points of convergence between the radical and reactionary theocratic Iranian government and the self-proclaimed socialist and progressive Bolivarian revolution.

These assumed points of convergence are: 1) an overt and often stated hatred for the United States and a shared belief in how to destroy a common enemy; and 2) a shared acceptance of authoritarian state structures that tolerate little dissent and encroach on all aspects of a citizen’s life.

While Iran’s revolutionary rulers view the 1979 revolution in theological terms as a miracle of divine intervention in which the United States, the Great Satan, was defeated, the Bolivarians view it from a secular point of view as a roadmap to defeat the United States as the Evil Empire. To both, it has strong political con- notations and serves as a model for how asymmetrical leverage, whether applied by Allah or humans, can conjure the equivalent of a David defeating a Goliath on the world stage.

Ortega has declared the Iranian and Nicaraguan revolutions to be “twin revolutions, with the same objectives of justice, liberty, sovereignty and peace . . . despite the aggressions of the imperialist policies.” Ahmadinejad couched the alliances as part of “a large anti-imperialist movement that has emerged in the region.”

Among the first to articulate the possible merging of radical Shite Islamic thought with Marxist aspirations of destroying capitalism and U.S. hegemony was Illich Sánchez Ramirez, better known as the terrorist leader, “Carlos the Jackal,” a Venezuelan citizen who was, until his arrest in 1994, one of the world’s most wanted terrorists.

The emerging military doctrine of the “Bolivarian Revolution,” officially adopted in Venezuela and rapidly spreading to Bolivia, Nicaragua, and Ecuador, explicitly embraces the radical Islamist model of asymmetrical or “fourth generation warfare,” and its heavy reliance on suicide bombings and different types of terrorism, including the use of nuclear weapons and other WMD.

Chávez has adopted as his military doctrine the concepts and strategies articulated in Peripheral Warfare and Revolutionary Is- lam: Origins, Rules and Ethics of Asymmetrical Warfare (Guerra Periférica y el Islam Revolucionario: Orígenes, Reglas y Ética de la Guerra Asimétrica ) by the Spanish politician and ideologue, Jorge Verstrynge (see Figure 4).110 The tract is a continuation of and exploration of Sánchez Ramirez’s thoughts, incorporating an explicit endorsement of the use of WMD to destroy the United States. Verstrynge argues for the destruction of the United States through a series of asymmetrical attacks like those of 9/11, in the belief that the United States will simply crumble when its vast military strength cannot be used to combat its enemies.

Central to Verstrynge’s idealized view of terrorists is the belief in the sacredness of fighters sacrificing their lives in pursuit of their goals.

An Alliance of Mutual Benefit.

This ideological framework of a combined Marxism and radical Islamic methodology for successfully attacking the United States is an important, though little examined, underpinning for the greatly enhanced relationships among the Bolivarian states and Iran. These relationships are being expanded, absorbing significant resources despite the fact that there is little economic rationale to the ties and little in terms of legitimate commerce.

One need only look at how rapidly Iran has in- creased its diplomatic, economic, and intelligence presence in Latin America to see the priority it places on this emerging axis, given that it is an area where it has virtually no trade, no historic or cultural ties, and no obvious strategic interests. The gains, in financial institutions, bilateral trade agreements, and state visits (eight state visits between Chávez and Ahmadinejad alone since 2006), are almost entirely within the Bolivarian orbit; and, as noted, the Bolivarian states have jointly declared their intention to help Iran break international sanctions.

The most recent salvo by Iran is the launching of a Spanish language satellite TV station, HispanTV, aimed at Latin America. Bolivia and Venezuela are collaborating in producing documentaries for the station. Mohammed Sarafraz, deputy di- rector of international affairs, said Iran was “launching a channel to act as a bridge between Iran and the countries of Latin America [there being] a need to help familiarize Spanish-speaking citizens with the Iranian nation.” He said that HispanTV was launched with the aim of reinforcing cultural ties with the Spanish- speaking nations and helping to introduce the traditions, customs, and beliefs of the Iranian people.

What is of particular concern is that many of the bilateral and multilateral agreements signed between Iran and Bolivarian nations, such as the creation of a dedicated shipping line between Iran and Ecuador, or the deposit of $120 million by an internationally sanctioned Iranian bank into the Central Bank of Ecuador, are based on no economic rationale.

Iran, whose banks, including its central bank, are largely barred from the Western financial systems, benefits from access to the international financial mar- ket through Venezuelan, Ecuadoran, and Bolivian financial institutions, which act as proxies by moving Iranian money as if it originated in their own legal financial systems.120 Venezuela also agreed to provide Iran with 20,000 barrels of gasoline per day, leading to U.S. sanctions against the state petroleum company.

CONCLUSIONS

Latin America, while not generally viewed as part of the stateless regions phenomenon, or part of the failed state discussion, presents multiple threats that center on criminalized states, their hybrid alliance with extra-regional sponsors of terrorism, and nonstate TOC actors. The groups within this hybrid threat—often rivals, but willing to work in temporary alliances—are part of the recombinant criminal/terrorist pipeline, and their violence is often aimed at gaining control of specific territory or parts of that pipeline, either from state forces or other nonstate groups.

pipelines are seldom disrupted for more than a minimal amount of time, in part because the critical human nodes in the chain, and key chokepoints in the pipelines, are not identified, and the relationships among the different actors and groups are not under- stood adequately. As noted, pipelines are adaptable and versatile as to product—the epitome of modern management systems—often intersecting with formal commercial institutions (banks, commodity exchanges, legitimate companies, etc.), both in a physical and virtual/cyber manner, in ways difficult to determine, collect intelligence on, or disaggregate from protected commercial activities which may be both domestic and international in nature, with built-in legal and secrecy protections.

While the situation is already critical, it is likely to get worse quickly. There is growing evidence of Russian and Chinese organized crime penetration of the region, particularly in Mexico and Central America, greatly strengthening the criminal organizations and allowing them to diversify their portfolios and sup- ply routes—a particular example being precursor chemicals for the manufacture of methamphetamines and cocaine. The Chinese efforts to acquire ports, re- sources, and intelligence-gathering capacity in the region demonstrate just how quickly the situation can develop, given that China was not a major player in the region 5 years ago.

This is a new type of alliance of secular (self-proclaimed socialist and Marxist) and radical Islamist organizations with a common goal directly aimed at challenging and undermining the security of the United States and its primary allies in the region (Colombia, Chile, Peru, Panama, and Guatemala). This represents a fundamental change because both primary state allies in the alliance (the governments of Venezuela and Iran) host and support nonstate actors, allowing the nonstate actors to thrive in ways that would be impossible without state protection.

Under- standing how these groups develop, and how they relate to each other and to groups from outside the region, is vital—particularly given the rapid pace with which they are expanding their control across the continent, across the hemisphere, and beyond. Developing a predictive capacity can be done based only on a more realistic understanding of the shifting networks of actors exploiting the pipelines; the nature and location of the geographic space in which they operate; the critical nodes where these groups are most vulnerable; and their behaviors in adapting to new political and economic developments, market opportunities and setbacks, internal competition, and the countering actions of governments.

In turn, an effective strategy for combating TOC must rest on a solid foundation of regional intelligence which, while cognizant of the overarching transnational connections, remains sensitive to unique local realities behind seemingly ubiquitous behaviors. A one-size-fits-all policy will not suffice.

It is not a problem that is only, or primarily, a matter of state or regional security, narcotics, money laundering, terrorism, human smuggling, weakening governance, democracy reversal, trade and energy, counterfeiting and contraband, immigration and refugees, hostile states seeking advantage, or alterations in the military balance and alliances. It is increasingly a combination of all of these. It is a comprehensive threat that requires analysis and management within a comprehensive, integrated whole-of-government approach. At the same time, however expansive in global terms, a strategy based on geopolitics—the fundamental understanding of how human behavior relates to geo- graphic space—must always be rooted in the local.

ENDNOTES

  1. “Fact Sheet: Strategy to Combat Transnational Organized Crime,” Washington, DC: Office of the Press Secretary, the White House, July 25, 2011.
  2. On the lower end, the United Nations (UN) Office of Drugs and Crime estimate transnational organized crime (TOC) earn- ings for 2009 at $2.1 trillion, or 3.6 percent of global gross domes- tic product (GDP). Of that, typical TOC activities such as drug trafficking, counterfeiting, human trafficking, weapons traffick- ing, and oil smuggling, account for about $1 trillion or 1.5 per- cent of global GDP. For details, see “Estimating Illicit Financial Flows Resulting from Drug Trafficking and other Transnational Organized Crimes,” Washington, DC: UN Office of Drugs and Crime, September 2011. On the higher end, in a speech to Interpol in Singapore in 2009, U.S. Deputy Attorney General Ogden cited 15 percent of world GDP as total annual turnover of TOC. See Josh Meyer, “U.S. attorney general calls for global effort to fight organized crime,” Los Angeles Times, October 13, 2009, available from articles.latimes.com/print/2009/oct/13/nation/na-crime13.
  3. This definition is adapted from the 1998 UN Conven- tion on Transnational Organized Crime and Protocols Thereto, UNODC, Vienna, Austria; and the 2011 Strategy to Combat Trans- national Organized Crime, available from www.whitehouse.gov/ administration/eop/nsc/transnational-crime/definition.
  4. The self-proclaimed “Bolivarian” states (Venezuela, Ecua- dor, Bolivia, and Nicaragua) take their name from Simón Bolivar, the revered 19th-century leader of South American independence from Spain. They espouse 21st-century socialism, a vague notion that is deeply hostile to free market reforms, to the United States as an imperial power, and toward traditional liberal democratic concepts, as will be described in detail.
  5. One of the most detailed cases involved the 2001 weapons transfers among Hezbollah operatives in Liberia, a retired Israeli officer in Panama, and a Russian weapons merchant in Guatema- la. A portion of the weapons, mostly AK-47 assault rifles, ended up with the United Self Defense Forces of Colombia (Autodefensas Unidads de Colombia [AUC]), a designated terrorist organization heavily involved in cocaine trafficking. The rest of the weapons, including anti-tank systems and anti-aircraft weapons, likely end- ed up with Hezbollah. For details, see Douglas Farah, Blood From Stones: The Secret Financial Network of Terror, New York: Broadway Books, 2004.
  6. For a detailed look at this development, see Antonio L. Mazzitelli, “The New Transatlantic Bonanza: Cocaine on High- way 10,” North Miami, FL: Western Hemisphere Security Analy- sis Center, Florida International University, March 2011.
  7. The FARC is the oldest insurgency in the Western hemi- sphere, launched in 1964 by Colombia’s Liberal Party militias, and enduring to the present as a self-described Marxist revolu- tionary movement. For a more detailed look at the history of the FARC, see Douglas Farah, “The FARC in Transition: The Fatal Weakening of the Western Hemisphere’s Oldest Guerrilla Move- ment,” NEFA Foundation, July 2, 2008, available from www.nefa- foundation.org/miscellaneous/nefafarc0708.pdf.
  8. These include recently founded Community of Latin Amer- ican and Caribbean States (Comunidad de Estados Latinoamericanos y Caribeños [CELAC]), and the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (Alianza Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América [ALBA]).
  9. James R. Clapper, Director of National Intelligence, “Un- classified Statement for the Record: Worldwide Threat Assessment of the US Intelligence Community for the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence,” January 31, 2012, p. 6.
  10. For the most comprehensive look at Russian Organized Crime in Latin America, see Bruce Bagley, “Globalization, Ungov- erned Spaces and Transnational Organized Crime in the Western Hemisphere: The Russian Mafia,” paper prepared for Internation- al Studies Association, Honolulu, HI, March 2, 2005.
  11. Ruth Morris, “China: Latin America Trade Jumps,” Latin American Business Chronicle, May 9, 2011, available from www. latinbusinesschronicle.com/app/article.aspx?id=4893.
  12. Daniel Cancel, “China Lends Venezuela $20 Billion, Se- cures Oil Supply,” Bloomberg News Service, April 18, 2010. By the end of August 2011, Venezuela’s publicly acknowledged debt to China stood at some $36 billion, equal to the rest of its out- standing international debt. See Benedict Mander, “More Chinese Loans for Venezuela,” FT Blog, September 16, 2011, available from blogs.ft.com/beyond-brics/2011/09/16/more-chinese-loans-4bn- worth-for-venezuela/#axzz1Z3km4bdg.
  13. “Quito y Buenos Aires, Ciudades preferidas para narcos nigerianos” (“Quito and Buenos Aires, Favorite Cities of Narco Nigerians”), El Universo Guayaquil, Ecuador, January 3, 2011.
  14. Louise Shelley, “The Unholy Trinity: Transnational Crime, Corruption and Terrorism,” Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. XI, Issue 2, Winter/Spring 2005.
  15. National Security Council, “Strategy to Combat Trans- national Organized Crime: Addressing Converging Threats to National Security,” Washington, DC: Office of the President, July 2011. The Strategy grew out of a National Intelligence Estimate inititated by the Bush administration and completed in December 2008, and is a comprehensive government review of transnational organized crime, the first since 1995.
  16. “Fact Sheet: Strategy to Combat Transnational Organized Crime,” Washington, DC: Office of the Press Secretary, the White House, July 25, 2011.
  17. Ibid.
  18. Stewart Patrick, Weak Links: Fragile States, Global Threats and International Security, Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2011.
  19. The phrase “dangerous spaces” was used by Phil Williams to describe 21st-century security challenges in terms of spaces and gaps, including geographical, functional, social, economic, legal, and regulatory holes. See Phil Williams, “Here Be Dragons: Dan- gerous Spaces and International Security,” Anne L. Clunan and Harold A. Trinkunas eds., Ungoverned Spaces: Alternatives to State Authority in an Era of Softened Sovereignty, Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2010, pp. 34-37.
  20. For a more complete look at Transnistria and an excellent overview of the global illicit trade, see Misha Glenny, McMafia: A Journey Through the Global Criminal Underworld, New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2008.
  21. For a complete look at the operations of Taylor, recently convicted in the Special Court for Sierra Leone in the Hague for crimes against humanity, see Douglas Farah, Blood From Stones: The Secret Financial Network of Terror, New York: Broadway Books, 2004.
  22. For a look at the weapons transfers, see “Los ‘rockets’ Venezolanos” Semana, Colombia, July 28, 2009. For a look at doc- umented financial and logistical support of Chávez and Correa for the FARC, see “The FARC Files: Venezuela, Ecuador, and the Secret Archives of ‘Raúl Reyes,’” An IISS Strategic Dossier, Wash- ington, DC: International Institute for Strategic Studies, May 2011. To see FARC connections to Evo Morales, see Douglas Farah, “Into the Abyss: Bolivia Under Evo Morales and the MAS,” Alex- andria, VA: International Assessment and Strategy Center, 2009.
  23. Douglas Farah, “Iran in Latin America: Strategic Security Issues,” Alexandria, VA: International Assessment and Strategy Center, Defense Threat Reduction Agency Advanced Systems and Concept Office, May 2011.
  24. Rem Korteweg and David Ehrhardt, “Terrorist Black Holes: A Study into Terrorist Sanctuaries and Governmental Weakness,” The Hague, The Netherlands: Clingendael Centre for Strategic Studies, November 2005, p. 22.
  25. Robert H. Jackson, Quasi-states: Sovereignty, International Relations and the Third World, Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univer- sity Press, 1990. Jackson defines negative sovereignty as freedom from outside interference, the ability of a sovereign state to act in- dependently, both in its external relations and internally, towards its people. Positive sovereignty is the acquisition and enjoyment of capacities, not merely immunities. In Jackson’s definition, it presupposes “capabilities which enable governments to be their own masters” (p. 29). The absence of either type of sovereignty can lead to the collapse of or absence of state control.
  26. Anne L. Clunan and Harold A. Trinkunas eds., Ungov- erned Spaces: Alternatives to State Authority in an Era of Softened Sovereignty, Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2010, p. 19.
  27. Moises Naim, Illicit: How Smugglers, Traffickers, and Copy- cats are Hijacking the Global Economy, New York: Anchor Books, 2006, p. 33.
  28. Robert Killebrew and Jennifer Bernal, “Crime Wars: Gangs, Cartels and U.S. National Security,” Washington, DC: Center for New American Security, September 2010, available from www.cnas.org/files/documents/publications/CNAS_CrimeWars_ KillebrewBernal_3.pdf.
  29. Max G. Manwaring, Street Gangs: The New Urban Insurgency, Carlisle, PA: Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, March 2005.
  30. As is true in much of Central America and Colombia, in Mexico there are centuries-old sanctuaries used by outlaws where the state had little authority. For a more complete explanation, see Gary Moore, “Mexico, the Un-failed State: A Geography Lesson,” InsightCrime, November 9, 2011, available from insight- crime.com/insight-latest-news/item/1820-mexico-the-un-failed-state-a- geography-lesson.
  31. For a look at the factors that led to the rise of the Bolivarian leaders, see Eduardo Gamarra, “Bolivia on the Brink: Center for Preventative Action, Council on Foreign Relations, February 2007; Cynthia J. Arnson et al., La Nueva Izquierda en América Latina: Derechos Humanos, Participación Política y Sociedad Civil (The New Left in Latin America: Human Rights, Political Participation and Civil Society), Washington, DC: The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, January 2009; Farah, “Into the Abyss: Bolivia Under Evo Morales and the MAS”; Farah and Simpson.
  32. See “Iran to Help Bolivia Build Peaceful Nuclear Power Plant,” Xinhua, October 31, 2010; Russia Izvestia Information, September 30, 2008; and Agence France Presse, “Venezuela Wants to Work With Russia on Nuclear Energy: Chávez,” September 29, 2008.
  33. Author interview with IAEA member in November, 2011. The official said the agency had found that Iran possessed enough uranium stockpiled to last a decade. Moreover, he said the evidence pointed to acquisition of minerals useful in missile production. He also stressed that dual-use technologies or items specifically used in the nuclear program had often been shipped to Iran as automotive or tractor parts. Some of the principal investments Iran has made in the Bolivarian states have been in a tractor fac- tory that is barely operational, a bicycle factory that does not seem to produce bicycles, and automotive factories that have yet to be built.
  34. “Venezuela/Iran ALBA Resolved to Continue Economic Ties with Iran,” Financial Times Information Service, July 15, 2010.
  35. Manwaring.
  36. These typologies were developed and discussed more completely, including the national security implications of their growth, in Richard Shultz, Douglas Farah, and Itamara V. Lo- chard, “Armed Groups: A Tier-One Security Priority,” USAF Academy, CO: USAF Institute for National Security Studies, Occasional Paper 57, September 2004.
  37. Louise I. Shelley, John T. Picarelli et al., Methods and Mo- tives: Exploring Links between Transnational Organized Crime and International Terrorism, Washington, DC: Department of Justice, September 2005.
  38. Ibid., p. 5.
  39. While much of Operation TITAN remains classified, there has been significant open source reporting, in part because the Colombian government announced the most important arrests. For the most complete look at the case, see Jo Becker, “Investi- gation into bank reveals links to major South American cartels,” International Herald Tribune, December 15, 2011. See also Chris Kraul and Sebastian Rotella, “Colombian Cocaine Ring Linked to Hezbollah,” Los Angeles Times, October 22, 2008; and “Por Lavar Activos de Narcos y Paramilitares, Capturados Integrantes de Or- ganización Internatcional” (“Members of an International Orga- nization Captured for Laundering Money for Narcos and Parami- litaries”), Fiscalía General de la Republica (Colombia) (Attorney General’s Office of Colombia), October 21, 2008.
  40. Among the reasons for the increase in cocaine trafficking to Western Europe is the price. While the cost of a kilo of cocaine averages about $17,000 in the United States, it is $37,000 in the EU. Shipping via Africa is relatively inexpensive and relatively attractive, given the enhanced interdiction efforts in Mexico and the Caribbean. See Antonio Mazzitelli, “The Drug Trade: Africa’s Expanding Role,” United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, presentation at the Woodrow Wilson Center for International Scholars, May 28, 2009.
  41. Benjamin Weiser and William K. Rashbaum, “Liberian Of- ficials Worked with U.S. Agency to Block Drug Traffic,” New York Times, June 2, 2010.
  42. For a history of AQIM, see “Algerian Group Backs al Qaeda,” BBC News, October 23, 2003, available from news.bbc. co.uk/2/hi/africa/3207363.stm. For an understanding of the relation- ship among the different ethnic groups, particularly the Tuareg, and AQIM, see Terrorism Monitor, “Tuareg Rebels Joining Fight Against AQIM?” Jamestown Foundation, Vol. 8, Issue 40, November 4, 2010.
  43. Evan Perez, “U.S. Accuses Iran in Plot: Two Charged in Alleged Conspiracy to Enlist Drug Cartel to Kill Saudi Ambas- sador,” The Wall Street Journal, October 12, 2011.
  44. “La Amenaza Iraní” (“The Iranian Threat”), Univision Documentales, aired December 8, 2011.
  45. Sebastian Rotella, “Government says Hezbollah Profits From U.S. Cocaine Market via Link to Mexican Cartel,” ProPubli- ca, December 11, 2011.
  46. For an examination of the “cultures of contraband” and their implications in the region, see Rebecca B. Galemba, “Cultures of Contraband: Contesting the Illegality at the Mexico-Guatemala Border,” Ph.D. dissertation, Brown University Department of An- thropology, May 2009. For a look at the use of traditional smug- gling routes in TOC structures in Central America, see Doug- las Farah, “Mapping Transnational Crime in El Salvador: New Trends and Lessons From Colombia,” North Miami, FL: Western Hemisphere Security Analysis Center, Florida International Uni- versity, August 2011.
  47. For a more complete look at that conflict and other con- flicts over plazas, see Samuel Logan and John P. Sullivan, “The Gulf-Zeta Split and the Praetroian Revolt,” International Relations and Security Network, April 7, 2010, available from www.isn.ethz. ch/isn/Security-Watch/Articles/Detail/?ots591=4888caa0-b3db-1461- 98b9-e20e7b9c13d4&lng=en&id=114551.
  48. Mazzitelli.
  49. “Drug Trafficking as a Security Threat in West Africa,” New York: UN Office on Drugs and Crime, October 2008.
  50. For a look at the chaos in Guinea Bissau, see “Guinea- Bissau president shot dead,” BBC News, March 2, 2009, available from news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/7918061.stm.
  51. Patrick.
    52. See, for example, Robert I. Rotberg, “Failed States, Collapsed States, Weak States: Causes and Indicators,” Failure and State Weakness in a Time of Terror, Washington, DC: Brookings In- stitution, January 2003.
  52. Rotberg.
  53. Rem Korteweg and David Ehrhardt, “Terrorist Black Holes: A Study into Terrorist Sanctuaries and Governmental Weakness,” The Hague, The Netherlands: Clingendael Centre for Strategic Studies, November 2005, p. 26.
  54. “The Failed States Index 2009,” Foreign Policy Magazine, July/August 2009, pp. 80-93, available from www.foreignpolicy.com/ articles/2009/06/22/2009_failed_states_index_interactive_map_and_ rankings.
  55. Julio A. Cirino et al., “Latin America’s Lawless Areas and Failed States,” in Paul D. Taylor, ed., Latin American Security Chal- lenges: A Collaborative Inquiry from North and South, Newport, RI: Naval War College, Newport Papers 21, 2004. Commercial insur- gencies are defined as engaging in “for-profit organized crime without a predominate political agenda,” leaving unclear how that differs from groups defined as organized criminal organiza- tions.
  56. For details of Taylor’s activities, see Douglas Farah, Blood From Stones: The Secret Financial Network of Terror, New York: Broadway Books, 2004.
  57. Hannah Stone, “The Comeback of Suriname’s ‘Narco- President’,” Insightcrime.org, Mar 4, 2011, available from insight- crime.org/insight-latest-news/item/865-the-comeback-of-surinames- narco-president.
  58. Simon Romero, “Returned to Power, a Leader Celebrates a Checkered Past,” The New York Times, May 2, 2011.
  59. “Wikileaks: Chávez funded Bouterse,” The Nation (Barba- dos), February 2, 2011.
  60. Harmen Boerboom, “Absence of Chávez a blessing for Su- riname,” Radio Netherlands Worldwide, August 12, 2010.
  61. For a look at the Zetas in Guatemala, see Steven Dudley, “The Zetas in Guatemala,” InSight Crime, September 8, 2011. For a look at Los Perrones in El Salvador, see Douglas Farah, “Organized Crime in El Salvador: Homegrown and Transnational Dimen- sions,” Organized Crime in Central America: The Northern Triangle, Woodrow Wilson Center Reports on the Americas #29, Wash- ington, DC: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, November 2011, pp. 104-139, available from www.wilsoncenter.org/ sites/default/files/LAP_single_page.pdf.
  62. Louise Shelley, “The Unholy Trinity: Transnational Crime, Corruption and Terrorism,” Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. XI, Issue 2, Winter/Spring 2005, p. 101.
  63. See Bill Lahneman and Matt Lewis, “Summary of Proceed- ings: Organized Crime and the Corruption of State Institutions,” College Park, MD: University of Maryland, November 18, 2002, available from www.cissm.umd.edu/papers/files/organizedcrime.pdf.
  64. Author interviews with Drug Enforcement Administra- tion and National Security Council officials; for example, two aircraft carrying more than 500 kgs of cocaine were stopped in Guinea Bissau after arriving from Venezuela. See “Bissau Police Seize Venezuelan cocaine smuggling planes,” Agence France Presse, July 19, 2008.
  65. “FARC Terrorist Indicted for 2003 Grenade Attack on Americans in Colombia,” Department of Justice Press Re- lease, September 7, 2004. available from www.usdoj.gov/opa/ pr/2004/September/04_crm_599.htm; and Official Journal of the European Union, Council Decision of December 21, 2005, available from eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/site/en/oj/2005/l_340/l_ 34020051223en00640066.pdf.
  66. “The FARC Files: Venezuela, Ecuador and the Secret Ar- chives of ‘Raúl Reyes’,” Washington, DC: International Institute for Strategic Studies,” May 2011.
  67. The strongest documentary evidence of Chávez’s support for the FARC comes from the Reyes documents, which contained the internal communications of senior FARC commanders with senior Venezuelan officials. These documents discuss everything from security arrangements in hostage exchanges to the possibil- ity of joint training exercises and the purchasing of weapons. For full details of these documents and their interpretation, see Ibid.
  68. “Treasury Targets Venezuelan Government Officials Sup- port of the FARC,” Washington, DC: U.S. Treasury Department, Office of Public Affairs, September 12, 2008. The designations came on the heels of the decision of the Bolivian government of Evo Morales to expel the U.S. ambassador, allegedly for support- ing armed movements against the Morales government. In soli- darity, Chávez then expelled the U.S. ambassador to Venezuela. In addition to the citations of the Venezuelan officials, the United States also expelled the Venezuelan and Bolivian ambassadors to Washington.
  69. “Chávez Shores up Military Support,” Stratfor, November 12, 2010.
  70. “Venezuela: Asume Nuevo Ministro De Defensa Acusado de Narco por EEUU” (“Venezuela: New Minister Accused by the United States of Drug Trafficking Takes Office”), Agence France Presse, January 17, 2012.
  71. Robert M. Morgenthau, “The Link Between Iran and Ven- ezuela: A Crisis in the Making,” speech at the Brookings Institu- tion, Washington, DC, September 8, 2009.
  72. Colombia, Venezuela: Another Round of Diplomatic Fu- ror,” Strafor, July 29, 2010.
  73. The FARC Files: Venezuela, Ecuador and the Secret Ar- chives of ‘Raúl Reyes’.”
  74. The Colombian decision to extradite Makled to Venezu- ela rather than the United States caused significant tension be- tween the two countries and probably means that the bulk of the evidence he claims to possess will never see the light of day. Among the documents he presented in prison were his checks cashed by senior generals and government officials and videos of what appear to be senior government officials in his home dis- cussing cash transactions. For details of the case, see José de Cór- doba and Darcy Crowe, “U.S. Losing Big Drug Catch,” The Wall Street Journal, April 1, 2011; “Manhattan U.S. Attorney Announces Indictment of one of World’s Most Significant Narcotics Kingpins,” United States Attorney, Southern District of New York, November 4, 2010.
  75. “Makled: Tengo suficientes pruebas sobre corrupción y narcotráfico para que intervengan a Venezuela” (“Makled: I have Enough Evidence of Corruption and Drug Trafficking to justify an invasion of Venezuela”), NTN24 TV (Colombia), April 11, 2011.
  76. For a more comprehensive look at the history of the FARC; its relations with Bolivia, Venezuela, and Ecuador; and its involvement in drug trafficking, see “The FARC Files: Ven- ezuela, Ecuador and the Secret Archives of ‘Raúl Reyes’”; Doug- las Farah, “Into the Abyss: Bolivia Under Evo Morales and the MAS,” Alexandria, VA: International Assessment and Strategy Center, June 2009; Douglas Farah and Glenn Simpson, “Ecuador at Risk: Drugs, Thugs, Guerrillas and the ‘Citizens’ Revolution,” Alexandria, VA: International Assessment and Strategy Center, January 2010.
  77. Farah, “Into the Abyss: Bolivia Under Evo Morales and the MAS.”
  78. Martin Arostegui, “Smuggling Scandal Shakes Bolivia,” The Wall Street Journal, March 3, 2011.
  79. Farah, “Into the Abyss: Bolivia Under Evo Morales and the MAS.”
  80. “The FARC Files: Venezuela, Ecuador, and the Secret Ar- chives of ‘Raul Reyes’’’; Farah and Simpson; and Francisco Huer- ta Montalvo et al., “Informe Comisión de Transparencia y Verdad: Caso Angostura” (“Report of the Commission on Transparency and Truth: The Angostura Case”), December 10, 2009, available from www.scribd.com/doc/24329223/informe-angostura.
  81. Farah and Simpson.
  82. For details of the relationships among these officials the president’s sister, and the Ostaiza brothers, see Farah and Simpson.
  83. “The FARC Files: Venezuela, Ecuador and the Secret Ar- chives of ‘Raúl Reyes’.”
  84. See, for example, Farah and Simpson; Huerta Montalvo; Arturo Torres, Juego del Camaleón: Los secretos de Angostura (The Chameleon’s Game: The Secrets of Angostura), 2009.
  85. “The FARC Files: Venezuela, Ecuador and the Secret Ar- chives of ‘Raúl Reyes’.”
  86. Farah, “Into the Abyss.”
  87. Eugene Roxas, “Spiritual Guide who gave Evo Baton caught with 350 kilos of liquid cocaine,” The Achacachi Post (Bo- livia), July 28, 2010.
  88. “Panama arrests Bolivia ex-drugs police chief Sanabria,” BBC News, February 26, 2011.
  89. “Las FARC Buscaron el Respaldo de Boliva Para Lograr Su Expansión” (“The FARC Looked for Bolivian Support in Order to Expand”).
  90. The MAS is the coalition of indigenous and coca growing organizations that propelled Morales to his electoral victory. The movement, closely aligned with Chávez and funded by the Ven- ezuelan government, has defined itself as Marxist, socialist, and anti-imperilist.
  91. It is interesting to note that Peredo’s brothers Roberto (aka Coco) and Guido (aka Inti) were the Bolivian contacts of Che Gue- vara, and died in combat with him. The two are buried with Gue- vara in Santa Clara, Cuba.
  92. A copy of the founding manifesto of the EMP and its adherents is available from bibliotecavirtual.clacso.org.ar/ar/libros/osal/ osal10/documentos.pdf.
  93. Prensa Latina, “President Boliviano Anunica Creación de Estado Mayor Popular” (“Bolivian President Announces the For- mation of a People’s High Command”), February 2, 2006.
  94. “Estado Mayor del Pueblo Convoca a Defender Al Gobi- erno de Evo” (“People’s High Command Calls for the Defense of Evo’s Government”), Agencia Boliviana de Informacion, April 17, 2006, available from www.bolpress.com/art.php?Cod=2006041721.
  95. The situation has changed dramatically with the election of Juan Manuel Santos as President of Colombia in 2010. Despite serving as Uribe’s defense minister during the most successful operations against the FARC and developing a deeply antagonis- tic relationship with Chávez in that capacity, relations between Santos and the Bolivarian heads of state have been surprisingly cordial since he took office. This is due in part to Santos’ agreeing to turn over copies of the Reyes hard drives to Correa, and his ex- pressed desire to normalize relations with Chávez. A particularly sensitive concession was allowing the extradition of Walid Mak- led, a designated drug kingpin by the United States, to be extra- dited to Venezuela rather than to stand trial in the United States.
  96. “The FARC Files: Venezuela, Ecuador and the Secret Ar- chives of ‘Raúl Reyes’.”
  97. March 11, 2005, e-mail from Iván Ríos to Raúl Reyes, pro- vided by Colombia officials, in possession of the author.
  98. April 1, 2006, e-mail from Raúl Reyes to Aleyda, provided by Colombia officials, in possession of the author.
  99. Following Ortega’s disputed electoral triumph in No- vember 2011, the FARC published a congratulatory communiqué lauding Ortega and recalling their historically close relationship. “In this moment of triumph how can we fail to recall that memo- rable scene in Caguán when you gave the Augusto Cesar San- dino medal to our unforgettable leader Manuel Marulanda. We have always carried pride in our chests for that deep honor which speaks to us of the broad vision of a man who considers himself to be a spiritual son of Bolivar.” Available from anncol.info/index. php?option=com_content&view=article&id=695:saludo-a-daniel-orteg a&catid=71:movies&Itemid=589.
  100. Reyes was killed a few days after the CCB assembly when the Colombian military bombed his camp, which was in Ec- uadoran territory. The bombing of La Angostura caused a severe diplomatic rift between Colombia and Ecuador, but the raid also yielded several hundred gigabytes of data from the computers Reyes kept in the camp, where he lived in a hardened structure and had been stationary for several months.
  101. Farah and Simpson.
  102. “U.S. Counternarcotics Cooperation with Venezuela Has Declined,” Washington, DC: Government Accountability Office, July 2009, GAO-09-806.
  103. Ibid., p. 12.
  104. For a more detailed look at this debate, see Iran in Latin America: Threat or Axis of Annoyance? in which the author has a chapter arguing for the view that Iran is a significant threat.
  105. “‘Jackal’ book praises bin Laden,” BBC News, June 26, 2003.
  106. See, for example, Associated Press, “Chávez: ‘Carlos the Jackal’ a ‘Good Friend’,” June 3, 2006.
  107. Raúl Reyes (trans.) and Hugo Chávez, “My Struggle,” from a March 23, 1999, letter to Illich Ramirez Sánchez, the Venezuelan terrorist known as “Carlos the Jackal,” from Ven- ezuelan president Hugo Chávez, in response to a previous let- ter from Ramirez, who is serving a life sentence in France for murder. Harper’s, October 1999, available from harpers.org/ archive/1999/10/0060674.
  108. In addition to Operation TITAN, there have been numer- ous incidents in the past 18 months in which operatives being directly linked to Hezbollah have been identified or arrested in Venezuela, Colombia, Guatemala, Aruba, and elsewhere in Latin America.
  109. Verstrynge, born in Morocco to Belgian and Spanish parents, began his political career on the far right of the Spanish political spectrum as a disciple of Manuel Fraga, and served in a national and several senior party posts with the Alianza Popular. By his own admission he then migrated to the Socialist Party, but never rose through the ranks. He is widely associated with radical anti-globalization views and anti-U.S. rhetoric, repeatedly stating that the United States is creating a new global empire and must be defeated. Although he has no military training or experience, he has written extensively on asymmetrical warfare.
  110. Verstrynge., pp. 56-57.
  111. Bartolomé. See also John Sweeny, “Jorge Verstrynge: The Guru of Bolivarian Asymmetric Warfare,” September 9, 2005 available from www.vcrisis.com; and “Troops Get Provocative Book,” Miami Herald, November 11, 2005.
  112. “Turkey holds suspicious Iran-Venezuela shipment,” Associated Press, June 1, 2009, available from www.ynetnews.com/ articles/0,7340,L-3651706,00.html.
  113. For a fuller examination of the use of websites, see Doug- las Farah, “Islamist Cyber Networks in Spanish-Speaking Latin America,” North Miami, FL: Western Hemisphere Security Anal- ysis Center, Florida International University, September 2011.
  114. “Hispan TV begins with ‘Saint Mary’,” Tehran Times, December 23, 2011, available from www.tehrantimes.com/arts-and- culture/93793-hispan-tv-begins-with-saint-mary.
  115. For a more complete look at Iran’s presence in Latin America, see Douglas Farah, “Iran in Latin America: An Over- view,” Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Summer 2009 (to be published as a chapter in Iran in Latin America: Threat or Axis of Annoyance? Cynthia J. Arnson et al., eds., 2010. For a look at the anomalies in the economic relations, see also Farah and Simpson.
  116. “Treasury Targets Hizbullah in Venezuela,” Washing- ton, DC: United States Department of Treasury Press Center, June 18, 2008, available from www.treasury.gov/press-center/press-releas- es/Pages/hp1036.aspx.
  117. Orlando Cuales, “17 arrested in Curacao on suspicion of drug trafficking links with Hezbollah,” Associated Press, April 29, 2009.
  118. United States District Court, Southern District of New York, The United States of America v Jamal Yousef, Indictment, July 6, 2009.
  119. For a look at how the Ecuadoran and Venezuelan banks function as proxies for Iran, particularly the Economic Devel- opment Bank of Iran, sanctioned for its illegal support of Iran’s nuclear program, and the Banco Internacional de Desarrollo, see Farah and Simpson.
  120. Office of the Spokesman, “Seven Companies Sanctioned Under Amended Iran Sanctions Act,” Washington, DC: U.S. De- partment of State, May 24, 2011, available from www.state.gov/r/ pa/prs/ps/2011/05/164132.htm.
  121. Russia Izvestia Information, September 30, 2008, and Agence France Presse, “Venezuela Wants to Work With Russia on Nuclear Energy: Chávez,” September 29, 2008.
  122. Simon Romero, “Venezuela Says Iran is Helping it Look for Uranium,” New York Times, September 25, 2009.
  123. Nikolai Spassky, “Russia, Ecuador strike deal on nuclear power cooperation,” RIA Novosti, August 21, 2009.
  124. José R. Cárdenas, “Iran’s Man in Ecuador,” Foreign Pol- icy, February 15, 2011, available from shadow.foreignpolicy.com/ posts/2011/02/15/irans_man_in_ecuador.
  125. The primary problem has been the inability of the Colom- bian government to deliver promised services and infrastructure after the military has cleared the area. See John Otis, “Decades of Work but No Land Titles to Show for It,” GlobalPost, Novem- ber 30, 2009. For a more complete look at the challenges posed by the reemergence and adaptability of armed groups, see Fundación Arco Iris, Informe 2009: El Declive de la Seguridad Democratica? (Re- port 2009: The Decline of Democratic Security?), available from www. nuevoarcoiris.org.co/sac/?q=node/605.

Notes from Networking Futures: The Movements against Corporate Globalization

Networking Futures: The Movements against Corporate Globalization by Jeffrey S. Juris

 

Barcelona has emerged as a critical node, as Catalans have played key roles within the anarchist ­inspired Peoples’ Global Action (PGA) and the World Social Forum (WSF) process, both of which unite diverse movements in opposition to corporate globaliza­tion. Anti–corporate globalization movements involve an increasing conflu­ence among network technologies, organizational forms, and political norms, mediated by concrete networking practices and micropolitical struggles. Activists are thus not only responding to growing poverty, inequality, and environmental devastation; they are also generating social laboratories for the production of alternative democratic values, discourses, and practices.

Computer ­supported networks, including activist media projects, Listservs, and websites, were mobilizing hundreds of thousands of protesters, constituting “transnational counterpublics” (Olesen 2005) for the diffusion of alternative information. Indeed, media activism and digital networking more generally had become critical features of a transna­tional network of movements against corporate globalization, involving what Peter Waterman (1998) calls a “communications internationalism.” Moreover, emerging networking logics were changing how grassroots movements orga­nize, and were inspiring new utopian imaginaries involving directly demo­cratic models of social, economic, and political organization coordinated at local, regional, and global scales.

 

Jeff : How is PGA going?
Laurent: It’s the most interesting political process I’ve ever been a part of, but it’s kind of ambiguous.

Jeff : What do you mean?
Laurent: Well, you never really know who is involved.
Jeff : How can that be?
Laurent: It’s hard to pin down because no one can speak for PGA, and the ones who are most involved sometimes don’t even think they are part of it!

 

 

I really wanted to study the networks behind these demonstrations during their visible and “submerged” phases (Melucci 1989). It seemed that if activists wanted to create sustainable movements, it was important to learn how newly emerging digitally powered networks operate and how periodic mass actions might lead to long­ term social transformation. After several days, I finally realized what should have been apparent all along: my focus was not really a specific network, but rather the concrete practices through which such networks are constituted. Indeed, contemporary activist networks are fluid processes, not rigid structures. I would thus conduct an ethnographic study of transnational networking prac tices and the broader cultural logics, shaped by ongoing interactions with new digital technologies, that generate them.

To answer these questions, I turned to the traditional craft of the anthropologist: long­ term participant observation within and among activist networks themselves.

“Anti-globalization” is not a particularly apt label for a movement that is in­ternationalist in perspective, organizes through global communication net­ works, and whose participants travel widely to attend protests and gatherings. Moreover, most activists do not oppose globalization per se, but rather corpo­rate globalization, understood as the extension of corporate power around the world, undermining local communities, democracy, and the environment.

they [anti-globalization activists] are specifically challenging a concrete political and eco­ nomic project and a discourse that denies the possibility of an alternative (Weiss 1998). In examining anti–corporate globalization movements, it is thus impor­tant to consider how globalization operates along several distinct registers.

At the broadest level, globalization refers to a radical reconfiguration of time and space. It is thus a multidimensional process encompassing economic, so­cial, cultural, and political domains.8 With respect to the economic sphere, the current phase of globalization features several defining characteristics.9 First, there has been an unprecedented rise in the scope and magnitude of global fi­nance capital facilitated by digital technologies and market deregulation. Second, economic production and distribution are increasingly organized around decentralized global networks, leading to high ­volume, flexible, and custom commercialization. Finally, the global economy now has the capability to op­erate as a single unit in real time. More generally, contemporary globalization generates complex spatial patterns as flows of capital, goods, and people have come unbound, even as they are reinscribed within concrete locales.

globalization also provides a concrete enemy and symbolic framework, generating metonymic links among diverse struggles. In this sense, anti–corporate globalization networks such as PGA or the WSF help forge a global frame of reference. As the PGA slogan de­clares: “May the struggle be as transnational as capital!”

Neo­ liberal projects have facilitated the penetration of corporate capitalism across space, bringing new areas into global production, consumption, and labor circuits while commodifying healthcare, education, the environment, and even life itself.

 

At least since the Zapatista uprising against the Mexican government on January 1, 1994, the day the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) went into effect, activists have forged an alter­ native project of “grassroots globalization” (Appadurai 2000), combining placed ­based resistance and transnational networking (cf. Escobar 2001). Anti–corporate globalization movements have mounted a highly effective symbolic challenge to the legitimacy of neoliberalism. As the former World Bank chief economist Joseph Stiglitz (2002) suggests: “Until protesters came along there was little hope for change and no outlets for complaint. . . . It is the trade unionists, students, and environmentalists—ordinary citizens— marching in the streets of Prague, Seattle, Washington, and Genoa who have put the need for reform on the agenda of the developed world” (9).

Stiglitz is not alone among global elites in supporting activist demands. The international financier George Soros has consistently denounced “market fundamentalism” while the Harvard economist Jeffrey Sachs has been a vocal critic of the Bretton Woods institutions. Moreover, leftist political parties in France, Spain, Italy, Brazil, and elsewhere have embraced the popular slogan of the World Social Forum: “Another World Is Possible.”

this book is not about the politics of globalization. Rather, it ex­plores emerging forms of organization among anti–corporate globalization movements, particularly in light of recent social, economic, and technological transformations. Although the activists explored in this book seek to influence contemporary political debates, they are also experimenting with new organi­zational and technological practices.

The rise of new digital technologies has profoundly altered the social movement landscape. Activists can now link up directly with one another, communicating through global communications networks without the need for a central bureaucracy. In what follows, I examine how activists are building local, regional, and global networks that are both instru­mental and prefigurative, facilitating concrete political interventions while reflecting activists’ emerging utopian ideals.1

the world and regional social forums and other grassroots networking processes have increasingly come to the fore. Although not as spectacular as direct actions, these projects have provided relatively sustainable platforms for generating alternative ideas, discourses, and practices, allowing activists to pursue their strategic and prefigurative goals in more lasting ways.

Technology, Norm, and form

Shortly after the Bolshevik revolution, the Russian anarchist Voline outlined a bold vision for an alternative, directly democratic society: “Of course . . . society must be organized. . . . the new organization . . . must be established freely, socially, and, above all, from below. The principle of organization must not issue from a center created in advance to capture the whole and impose it­ self upon it but on the contrary, it must come from all sides to create nodes of coordination, natural centers to serve all these points.” What strikes today’s reader about this passage is its resonance with the contemporary discourse of activist networking. Although the top­ down Leninist model of organization won out in the Soviet Union, consolidating a revolutionary paradigm that would be exported around the world, the past few decades have witnessed a resurgence of decentralized, networked organization and utopian visions of autonomy and grassroots counterpower. As we will see, these emerging network forms and imaginaries have been greatly facilitated by the rise of new digital technologies. Shaped by the networking logic of the Internet and broader dynamics associated with late capitalism, social movements are in­creasingly organized around flexible, distributed network forms (Castells 1997; cf. Bennett 2003; Hardt and Negri 2004). Observers have pointed to the rise of “social netwars” (Arquilla and Ronfeldt 2001) or an “electronic fabric of struggle” (Cleaver 1995), but such abstract depictions tell us little about con­crete networking practices.

This book outlines a practice­ based approach to the study of networks, linking structure and practice to larger social, economic, and technological forces.20 I employ the term “cultural logic of networking” as a way to conceive the broad guiding principles, shaped by the logic of informational capitalism, that are internalized by activists and generate concrete networking practices.21 Networking logics specifically entail an embedded and embodied set of social and cultural dispositions that orient actors toward (1) the building of hori­zontal ties and connections among diverse autonomous elements, (2) the free and open circulation of information, (3) collaboration through decentralized coordination and consensus­ based decision making, and (4) self-directed networking. At the same time, networking logics represent an ideal type. As we shall see, they are unevenly distributed in practice and always exist in dy­namic tension with other competing logics, generating a complex “cultural politics of networking” within particular spheres.

In what follows, I argue that anti–corporate globalization movements involve a growing confluence among networks as computer­ supported infrastructure (technology), networks as organizational structure (form), and networks as political model (norm), mediated by concrete activist practice. Computer networks provide the technological infrastructure for the emer­gence of transnational social movements, constituting arenas for the produc­tion and dissemination of activist discourses and practices. These networks are in turn produced and transformed by the discourses and practices circu­lating through them.24 Such communication flows follow distinct trajectories, reproducing existing networks or generating new formations. Contemporary social movement networks are thus “self­-reflexive” (Giddens 1991), constructed through communicative practice and struggle. Beyond social morphology, the network has also become a powerful cultural ideal, particularly among more radical activists, a guiding logic that provides a model of, and model for, emerging forms of directly democratic politics.

contemporary norms and forms are shaped by technological change and, further, how they reflect emerging utopian imaginaries.

Computer-Supported Social Movements

Although the wide­ spread proliferation of individualized, loosely bounded, and fragmentary social networks predates cyberspace, computer­ mediated communication has reinforced such trends, allowing communities to sustain interactions across vast distances. The Internet is also being incorporated into more routine aspects of daily social life as virtual and physical activities are increas­ingly integrated. The Internet thus facilitates global connectedness even as it strengthens local ties.

Build­ing on the pioneering use of digital technologies by the Zapatistas, as well as early free trade campaigns, anti–corporate globalization activists have used computer networks to organize actions and mobilizations, share information and resources, and coordinate campaigns by communicating at a distance.

Computer ­mediated communication is thus most effective when it is moderated, clearly focused, and used together with traditional modes of communication. Accordingly, activists generally use e­mail to stay informed about activities and perform concrete logistical tasks, while complex planning, political discussions, and relationship building occur within physical settings.

Network-Based organizational Forms

Beyond providing a technological medium, the Internet’s reticulate struc­ture reinforces network-­based organizational forms.

Networking logics have given rise to what many activists in Spain and Catalonia refer to as a “new way of doing politics.” By this they mean a mode of organizing involving horizontal coordination among autonomous groups, grassroots participation, consensus decision making, and the free and open exchange of information, although, as we shall see, this ideal is not always conformed to in practice. While the command-oriented logic of traditional parties and unions involves recruiting new members, developing unified strat­egies, pursuing political hegemony, and organizing through representative structures, network politics revolve around the creation of broad umbrella spaces, where diverse collectives, organizations, and networks converge around a few common principles while preserving their autonomy and identity­ based specificity. The objective becomes enhanced “connectivity” and horizon­tal expansion by articulating diverse movements within flexible, decentralized information structures that facilitate transnational coordination and com­munication. Key “activist­ hackers” (Nelson 1999) operate as relayers and exchangers, receiving, interpreting, and routing information to diverse net­ work nodes. Like computer hackers, activist ­hackers combine and recombine cultural codes—in this case political signifiers, sharing information about projects, mobilizations, strategies, and tactics within global communication networks.33

At the same time, discourses of open networking often conceal other forms of exclusion based on unequal access to information or technology. As a grassroots activist from India suggested to me at the 2002 WSF in Porto Alegre, “It’s not enough to talk about networks; we also have to talk about democracy and the distribution of power within them.”

what many observers view as a single, unified anti– corporate globalization movement is actually a congeries of competing yet sometimes overlapping social movement networks that differ according to is­ sue addressed, political subjectivity, ideological framework, political culture, and organizational logic.

Social movements are complex fields shot through with internal differen­tiation (Burdick 1995). Struggles within and among specific movement net­ works shape how they are produced, how they develop, and how they relate to one another within broader movement fields. Cultural struggles involv­ing ideology (anti-globalization versus anticapitalism), strategies (summit hopping versus sustained organizing), tactics (violence versus nonviolence), organizational form (structure versus non-structure), and decision making (consensus versus voting), or what I refer to as the cultural politics of network­ing, are enduring features of anti–corporate globalization landscapes. In the following chapters, I thus emphasize culture, power, and internal conflict.34 As we shall see, discrepant organizational logics often lead to heated struggles within broad “convergence spaces” (Routledge 2003), including the “unitary” campaigns against the World Bank and EU in Barcelona or the World Social Forum process more generally.

Networks as Emerging Ideal

Expanding and diversifying networks is more than a concrete organizational objective; it is also a highly valued political goal. The self­-produced, self-developed, and self­-managed network becomes a widespread cultural ideal, providing not only an effective model of political organizing but also a model for reorganizing society as a whole.

The dominant spirit behind this emerging political praxis can broadly be defined as anarchist, or what ac­tivists in Barcelona refer to as libertarian.35 Classic anarchist principles such as autonomy, self­ management, federation, direct action, and direct democracy are among the most important values for today’s radicals, who increasingly identify as anticapitalist, anti­authoritarian, or left ­libertarian.

 

These emerging political subjectivities are not necessarily identical to anar­chism in the strict ideological sense. Rather, they share specific cultural affini­ties revolving around the values associated with the network as an emerging political and cultural ideal: open access, the free circulation of information, self­-management, and coordination based on diversity and autonomy.

In a similar vein, Arturo Escobar (2004) has drawn on complexity theory to argue that anti–corporate globalization movements are emergent in that “the actions of multiple agents interacting dynamically and following local rules rather than top­ down commands result in visible macro­behavior or structures” (222).36 This is a compelling depiction of how anti–corporate globalization networks operate from a distance, but a slightly different perspective emerges when we engage in activist networking firsthand. Transnational networking requires a great deal of communicative work and struggle. Complexity theory provides a useful metaphor, but given its emphasis on abstract self -organizing systems, it tends to obscure micropolitical practices.

activists increasingly express their emerging utopian imaginaries di­rectly through concrete organizational and technological practice. As Geert Lovink (2002) suggests, “Ideas that matter are hardwired into software and network architectures” (34). This helps to explain why ideological debates are often coded as conflicts over organizational process and form.

Networks are not inherently demo­cratic or egalitarian, and they may be used for divergent ends. The network technologies and forms explored in this book were initially developed as a strategy for enhancing coordination, scale, and efficiency in the context of post-­Fordist capital accumulation. As we are reminded nearly every day, ter­ror and crime outfits increasingly operate through global networks as well.

while networks more generally are not necessarily democratic or egalitarian, their distributed structure does suggest a potential affinity with egalitarian values—including flat hierarchies, horizontal relations, and decen­ tralized coordination—which activists project back onto network technolo­ gies and forms.

What many activists now call “horizontalism” is best understood as a guiding vision, not an empirical depiction

Multiscalar ethnography

I specifically employ two tracking strategies: fol­ lowing activists to mobilizations and gatherings, and monitoring discourses and debates through electronic networks.

During my time in the field, I employed diverse ethnographic methods. First, I conducted participant observation among activists at mass mobili­zations, actions, and gatherings; meetings and organizing sessions; and in­ formal social settings. Second, I made extensive use of the Internet, which allowed me to participate in and follow planning, coordinating, and political discussions within Catalan, Spanish, and English­ language Listservs based in Europe, Latin America, and North America. Third, I conducted seventy qual­ itative interviews with Barcelona ­based activists from diverse backgrounds. Fourth, I collected and examined movement ­related documents produced for education, publicity, and outreach, including flyers, brochures, reports, and posters. Finally, I also collected articles and texts within mainstream and alternative media.

Practicing Militant ethnography

The ethnographic methodology developed here, which I call “militant eth­nography,” is meant to address what Wacquant (1992) calls the “intellectual bias”: how our position as outside observer “entices us to construe the world as a spectacle, as a set of significations to be interpreted rather than as concrete problems to be solved practically” (39). The tendency to position oneself at a distance and treat social life as an object to decode rather than entering the flow and rhythm of ongoing social interaction hinders our ability to understand social practice.45 To grasp the concrete logic generating specific practices, one has to become an active participant. With respect to social movements, this means organizing actions and workshops, facilitating meetings, weighing in during strategic and tactical debates, staking out political positions, and put­ ting one’s body on the line during direct actions. Simply taking on the role of “circumstantial activist” (Marcus 1995) is not sufficient; one has to build long­ term relationships of commitment and trust, become entangled with complex relations of power, and live the emotions associated with direct­action orga­nizing and transnational networking. Militant ethnography thus refers to ethnographic research that is not only politically engaged but also collaborative, thus breaking down the divide between researcher and object.46

Furthermore, militant ethnography also generates embodied and affec­tive understanding. As anyone who has participated in mass direct actions or demonstrations can attest, such events produce powerful emotions, involving alternating sensations of anticipation, tension, anxiety, fear, terror, solidar­ity, celebration, and joy. These affective dynamics are not incidental; they are central to sustained processes of movement building and activist networking. In this sense, I use my body as a research tool, particularly during moments of intense passion and excitement, to generate what Deidre Sklar (1994) calls “kinesthetic empathy.”47

militant ethnography can provide tools for activist (self­) reflection and decision making while remaining pertinent for broader aca­ demic audiences. I thus hope to contribute to strategic debates, but always from the partial and situated position of the militant ethnographer.

Practicing militant ethnography can thus help activists carry out their own ethnographic research.

For Burdick, this involves supporting movements in their efforts to reach out to a wider audience. But it might also mean helping activists analyze di­ verse movement sectors, understand how they operate, and learn how to most effectively work together.

Militant ethnography thus includes three interrelated modes: (1) collective reflection and visioning about movement practices, logics, and emerging cul­tural and political models; (2) collective analysis of broader social processes and power relations that affect strategic and tactical decision making; and (3) collective ethnographic reflection about diverse movement networks, how they interact, and how they might better relate to broader constituencies. Each of these levels involves engaged, practice­ based, and politically committed re­ search carried out in horizontal collaboration with social movements.

those of us within the academy can use writing and publishing as a form of resistance, working within the system to generate alternative politically en­gaged accounts.

The Book ahead

the genealogy of diverse processes that converged there, including grassroots struggles in the Global South, student­based anticorporate activism, campaigns against struc­tural adjustment and free trade, anarchist ­inspired direct action, and global Zapatista solidarity networks. I then go on to trace the growth and expansion of anti–corporate globalization movements after Seattle, before concluding with an analysis of their major defining characteristics.

The conflict between networking and traditional command logics forms part of a broader series of struggles involving competing visions, ideologies, and practices, leading to a complex pattern of shifting alliances driven by networking politics at local, regional, and global scales.

Notes from Black Against Empire: The History and Politics of the Black Panther Party

Black Against Empire: The History and Politics of the Black Panther Party

While I highlighted far more from Black Against Empire: The History and Politics of the Black Panther Party than the below, I decided to limit myself to posting here issues related to changing perceptions of the Panthers following the dismantling of Jim Crow, issues linked to Marxism issues, and international relations.

(121)

But by 1968, even in “Bloody Lowndes,” the political dynamic had changed. As the Civil Rights Movement dismantled Jim Crow through the mid-1960s, it ironically undercut its own viability as an insurgent movement. Whereas activists could sit in at lunch counters or sit black and white together on a bus or insist on registering to vote where they had traditionally been excluded, they were often uncertain how to nonviolently disrupt black unemployment, substandard housing, poor medical care, or police brutality. And when activists did succeed in disrupting these social processes nonviolently, they often found themselves facing very different enemies and lacking the broad allied support that civil rights activists had attained when challenging formal segregation. By 1968, the civil rights practice of nonviolent civil disobedience against racial exclusion had few obvious targets and could no longer generate massive and widespread participation.

(122)

In this environment, Lil’ Bobby Hutton became a very different kind of martyr from King. He was virtually unknown and ignored by the establishment. Hutton had died standing up to the brutal Oakland police; he died for black self-determination; he died defying American empire like Lumumba and Che and hundreds of thousands of Vietnamese had before him. Unlike King in 1968, Lil’ Bobby Hutton represented a coherent insurgent alternative to political participation in the United States—armed self-defense against the police and commitment to the revolutionary politics of the Black Panther Party.

(123)

A Panther press statement said that in addition to support for the “Free Huey!” campaign and the black plebiscite, the Panthers were calling upon “the member nations of the United Nations to authorize the stationing of UN Observer Teams throughout the cities of America wherein black people are cooped up and concentrated in wretched ghettos.” After meeting with several U.N. delegations and talking with the press, the Black Panthers filed for status as an official “nongoverning organization” of the United Nations. While the notion of the black plebiscite was intriguing to many, it failed to gain traction.

(130)

At SNCC’s invitation, student antiwar activists came to see themselves as fighting for their own liberation from the American empire. The imperial machinery of war that was inflicting havoc abroad was forcing America’s young to kill and die for a cause many did not believe in. Young activists came to see the draft as an imposition of empire on themselves just as the war was an imposition of empire on the Vietnamese.59

SDS leader Greg Calvert encapsulated this emerging view in the idea of “revolutionary consciousness” in a widely influential speech at Princeton University that February. Arguing that students them- selves were revolutionary subjects, Calvert sought to distinguish radicals from liberals, and he advanced “revolutionary consciousness” as the basis for a distinct and superior morality: “Radical or revolutionary consciousness . . . is the perception of oneself as unfree, as oppressed— and finally it is the discovery of oneself as one of the oppressed who must unite to transform the objective conditions of their existence in order to resolve the contradiction between potentiality and actuality. Revolutionary consciousness leads to the struggle for one’s own freedom in unity with others who share the burden of oppression.”

The speech marked a watershed in the New Left’s self-conception. Coming to see itself as part of the global struggle of the Vietnamese against American imperialism and the black struggle against racist oppression, the New Left rejected the status quo as fundamentally immoral and embraced the morality of revolutionary challenge. From this vantage point, the Vietnam War was illegitimate, and draft resistance was an act of revolutionary heroism.

(300)

In their move to take greater leadership in organizing a revolutionary movement across race, the Black Panthers sought to make their class and cross-race anti-imperialist politics more explicit. They began featuring nonblack liberation movements on the cover of their news- paper, starting with Ho Chi Minh and the North Vietnamese. They began widely using the word fascism to describe the policies of the U.S. government. Then in July 1969, two weeks before the United Front Against Fascism Conference, the Panthers changed point 3 of their Ten Point Program from “We want an end to the robbery by the white man of our Black Community” to “We want an end to the robbery by the CAPITALIST of our Black Community”

The Black Panther Party held the United Front Against Fascism Conference in Oakland from July 18 to 21.

At least four thousand young radicals from around the country attended the conference. The delegates included Latinos, Asian Americans, and other people of color, but the majority of delegates were white. More than three hundred organizations attended, representing a broad cross-section of the New Left. In addition to the Young Lords, Red Guard, Los Siete de la Raza, Young Patriots, and Third World Liberation Front, attendees included the Peace and Freedom Party, the International Socialist Club, Progressive Labor, Students for a Democratic Society, the Young Socialist Alliance, and various groups within the Women’s Liberation Movement.

Bobby Seale set the tone for the conference, reiterating his oft-stated challenge against black separatism: “Black racism is just as bad and dangerous as White racism.” He more explicitly emphasized the importance of class to revolution, declaring simply, “It is a class struggle.” Seale spoke against the ideological divisiveness among leftist organizations, arguing that such divisiveness would go nowhere. What was needed, he said, was a shared practical program. He called for the creation of a united “American Liberation Front” in which all communities and organizations struggling for self-determination in America could unite across race and ideology, demand community control of police, and secure legal support for political prisoners.

(301)

The main outcome of the conference was that the Panthers decided to organize National Committees to Combat Fascism (NCCFs) around the country. The NCCFs would operate under the Panther umbrella, but unlike official Black Panther Party chapters, they would allow membership of nonblacks. In this way, the Black Panther Party could maintain the integrity of its racial politics yet step into more formal

(311)

The Black Panther Party’s anti-imperialist politics were deeply inflected with Marxist thought.

The Party’s embrace of Marxism was never rigid, sectarian, or dogmatic. Motivated by a vision of a universal and radically democratic struggle against oppression, ideology seldom got in the way of the Party’s alliance building and practical politics.

he asserted that unemployed blacks were a legitimate revolution- ary group and that the Black Panther Party’s version of Marxism transcended the idea that an industrial working class was the sole agent of revolution.

(312)

Nondogmatic throughout its history, the Black Panther Party worked with a range of leftist organizations with very different political ideologies—a highlight being its hosting of the United Front Against Fascism Conference in July 1969.10 The unchanging core of the Black Panther Party’s political ideology was black anti-imperialism. The Party always saw its core constituency as “the black community,” but it also made common cause between the struggle of the black community and the struggles of other peoples against oppression. Marxism and class analysis helped the Black Panthers understand the oppression of others and to make the analogy between the struggle for black liberation and other struggles for self-determination. While the Marxist content deepened and shifted over the Party’s history, this basic idea held constant.

(313)

 

. One of the Panthers’ early sources of solidarity and support was the left-wing movements in Scandinavia. The lead organizer of this support was Connie Matthews, an energetic and articulate young Jamaican woman employed by the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization in Copenhagen, Den- mark. In early 1969, Matthews organized a tour for Bobby Seale and Masai Hewitt throughout Scandinavia to raise money and support for the “Free Huey!” campaign. She and Panther Skip Malone worked out the logistics of the trip with various left-wing Scandinavian organizations, enlisting their support by highlighting the class politics of the Black Panther Party.

 

(342)

In noninsurgent organizations, established laws and customs are assumed and largely respected. Maintaining organizational coherence may be challenging, but transgressions of law and custom are generally outside of organizational responsibility. Within insurgent organizations like the Black Panther Party, law and custom are viewed as oppressive and illegitimate. Insurgents view their movement as above the law and custom, the embodiment of a greater morality. As a result, defining acceptable types of transgression of law and custom, and maintaining discipline within these constraints, often poses a serious challenge for insurgent organizations like the Black Panther Party. What sorts of violation of law and custom are consistent with the vision and aims of the insurgency?

 

(343)

By the fall of 1968, as the Party became a national organization, it had to manage the political ramifications of actions taken by loosely organized affiliates across the country. The Central Committee in Oak- land codified ten Rules of the Black Panther Party and began publishing them in each issue of the Black Panther. These rules established basic disciplinary expectations, warning especially against haphazard violence that might be destabilizing or politically embarrassing. They prohibited the use of narcotics, alcohol, or marijuana while conducting Party activities or bearing arms. The Party insisted that Panthers use weapons only against “the enemy” and prohibited theft from other “Black people.” But they permitted disciplined revolutionary violence and specifically allowed participation in the underground insurrectionary “Black Liberation Army.”

 

(344)

 

The Black Panther Party derived its power largely from the insurgent threat it posed to the established order—its ability to attract members who were prepared to physically challenge the authority of the state. But this power also depended on the capacity to organize and discipline these members. When Panthers defied the authority of the Party, acted against its ideological position, or engaged in apolitical criminal activity, their actions undermined the Party, not least in the eyes of potential allies. The Panthers could not raise funds, garner legal aid, mobilize political support, or even sell newspapers to many of their allies if they were perceived as criminals, separatists, or aggressive and undisciplined incompetents. The survival of the Party depended on its political coherence and organizational discipline.

As the Party grew nationally and increasingly came into conflict with the state in 1969, maintaining discipline and a coherent political image became more challenging. The tension between the anti- authoritarianism of members in disparate chapters and the need for the Party to advance a coherent political vision grew. One of the principal tools for maintaining discipline—both of individual members and of local chapters expected to conform to directives from the Central Committee—was the threat of expulsion.

(345)

 

Hilliard explained the importance of the purge for maintaining Party discipline: “We relate to what Lenin said, ‘that a party that purges itself grows to become stronger.’ The purging is very good. You recognize that there is a diffusion within the rank and file of the party, within the internal structure of the party.

As the Party continued to expand in 1969 and 1970, so did conflicts between the actions of members in local chapters across the country and the political identity of the Party—carefully groomed by the Central Committee.

(346)

 

The resilience of the Black Panthers’ politics depended heavily on sup- port from three broad constituencies: blacks, opponents of the Vietnam War, and revolutionary governments internationally. Without the sup- port of these allies, the Black Panther Party could not withstand repressive actions against them by the state. But beginning in 1969, and steadily increasing through 1970, political transformations undercut the self-interests that motivated these constituencies to support the Panthers’ politics.

(351)

 

Cuban support for the Black Panthers also shifted during the late 1960s. When Eldridge Cleaver fled to Cuba as a political exile in late

1968, Cuba not only provided safe passage and security but promised to create a military training facility for the Party on an abandoned farm out- side Havana. This promise was consistent with the more active role Cuba had played in supporting the Black Liberation Struggle in the United States in the early 1960s, when it sponsored the broadcast of Robert Williams’s insurrectionary radio program “Radio Free Dixie,” as well as publication of his newspaper, the Crusader, and his book Negroes with Guns. But, as the tide of revolution shifted globally toward the end of the decade, security concerns took on higher priority in Cuban policy. Eager to avoid provoking retaliation from the United States, Cuba distanced itself from the Black Liberation Struggle, continuing to allow exiles but refraining from active support of black insurrection. The government never opened a military training ground for the Panthers, instead placing constraints on the political activities of Panther exiles.34

As the United States scaled back the war in Vietnam; reduced the military draft; improved political, educational, and employment access for blacks; and improved relations with former revolutionary governments around the world, the Black Panthers had difficulty maintaining support for politics involving armed confrontation with the state.

More comfortable and secure with the ability of mainstream political institutions to redress their concerns—especially the draft—liberals went on the attack, challenging the revolutionary politics of the Black Panther Party.

(352)

 

Many Panthers hoped that Huey would resolve the challenges the Party faced and lead them successfully to revolution. But his release had the opposite effect, exacerbating the tensions within the Party. Some rank-and-file Panthers took Huey’s long-awaited release as a pre- lude to victory and a license to violence, and their aggressive militarism became harder to contain. Organizationally, the Party had grown exponentially in Newton’s name but was actually under the direction of other leaders. His release forced a reconfiguration of power in the Party.

Paradoxically, Newton’s release also made it harder for the Party to maintain support from more moderate allies. It sent a strong message to many moderates that—contrary to Kingman Brewster’s famous statement three months earlier—a black revolutionary could receive a fair trial in the United States. The radical Left saw revolutionary progress in winning Huey’s freedom, but many moderate allies saw less cause for revolution.

(359)

 

The Panther 21 asserted that the Black Panther Party was not the true revolutionary vanguard in the United States and hailed the Weather Underground as one of, if not “the true vanguard.” In line with the vanguardist ideology of the Weather Underground, the Panther 21 argued that it was now time for all-out revolutionary violence that they believed would attract a broad following and eventually topple the capitalist economy and the state

(361)

 

 

Dhoruba Bin Wahad explained his decision to desert the Black Panther Party as a response to the increasing moderation of Newton, Hilliard, and the Central Committee and their efforts to appease wealthy donors. In a public statement in May 1971, Dhoruba wrote,

We were aware of the Plots emanating from the co-opted Fearful minds of Huey Newton and the Arch Revisionist, David Hilliard… . Obsession with fund raising leads to dependency upon the very class enemies of our People. . . . These internal contradictions have naturally developed to the Point where those within the Party found themselves in an organization fastly approaching the likes of the N.A.A.C.P.—dedicated to modified slavery instead of putting an end to all forms of slavery.67

(391)

 

To this day, small cadres in the United States dedicate their lives to a revolutionary vision. Not unlike the tenets of a religion, a secular revolutionary vision provides these communities with purpose and a moral compass. Some of these revolutionary communities publish periodicals, maintain websites, collectively feed and school their children, and share housing. But none wields the power to disrupt the status quo on a national scale. None is viewed as a serious threat by the federal government. And none today compares in scope or political influence to the Black Panther Party during its heyday.

The power the Black Panthers achieved grew out of their politics of armed self-defense. While they had little economic capital or institutionalized political power, they were able to forcibly assert their politi- cal agenda through their armed confrontations with the state.

The Black Panther Party did not spring onto the historical stage fully formed; it grew in stages. Newton and Seale wove together their revolutionary vision from disparate strands.

(392)

Nixon won the White House on his Law and Order platform, inaugurating the year of the most intense direct repression of the Panthers. But the Party continued to grow in scope and influence. By 1970, it had opened offices in sixty-eight cities. That year, the New York Times published 1,217 articles on the Party, more than twice as many as in any other year. The Party’s annual budget reached about $1.2 million (in 1970 dollars). And circulation of the Party’s newspaper, the Black Panther, reached 150,000.3

The resonance of Panther practices was specific to the times. Many blacks believed conventional methods were insufficient to redress persistent exclusion from municipal hiring, decent education, and political power.

(395)

The vast literature on the Black Liberation Struggle in the postwar decades concentrates largely on the southern Civil Rights Movement. Our analysis is indebted to that literature as well as to more recent historical scholarship that enlarges both the geographic and temporal scope of analysis.5 Thomas Sugrue in particular makes important advances, calling attention to the black insurgent mobilizations in the North and West, and to their longue durée.This work, however, fails to analyze these mobilizations on their own terms, instead seeking to assimilate these black insurgencies to a civil rights perspective by presenting the range of black insurgent mobilizations as claims for black citizenship, appeals to the state—for full and equal participation. This perspective obscures the revolutionary character and radical economic focus of the Black Panther Party.

(398-399)

The broader question is why no revolutionary movement of any kind exists in the United States today. To untangle this question, we need to consider what makes a movement revolutionary. Here, the writings of the Italian theorist and revolutionary Antonio Gramsci are instructive: “A theory is ‘revolutionary’ precisely to the extent that it is an element of conscious separation and distinction into two camps and is a peak inaccessible to the enemy camp.”17 In other words, a revolutionary theory splits the world in two. It says that the people in power and the institutions they manage are the cause of oppression and injustice. A revolutionary theory purports to explain how to overcome those iniquities. It claims that oppression is inherent in the dominant social institutions. Further, it asserts that nothing can be done from within the dominant social institutions to rectify the problem—that the dominant social institutions must be overthrown. In this sense, any revolutionary theory consciously separates the world into two camps: those who seek to reproduce the existing social arrangements and those who seek to overthrow them.

In this first, ideational sense, many insurgent revolutionary movements do exist in the United States today, albeit on a very small scale. From sectarian socialist groups to nationalist separatists, these revolutionary minimovements have two things in common: a theory that calls for destroying the existing social world and advances an alternative trajectory; and cadres of members who have dedicated their lives to advance this alternative, see the revolutionary community as their moral reference point, and see themselves as categorically different from everyone who does not.

More broadly, in Gramsci’s view, a movement is revolutionary politically to the extent that it poses an effective challenge. He suggests that such a revolutionary movement must first be creative rather than arbitrary. It must seize the political imagination and offer credible proposals to address the grievances of large segments of the population, creating a “concrete phantasy which acts on a dispersed and shattered people to arouse and organize its collective will.”18 But when a movement succeeds in this task, the dominant political coalition usually defeats the challenge through the twin means of repression and con- cession. The ruling alliance does not simply crush political challenges directly through the coercive power of the state but makes concessions that reconsolidate its political power without undermining its basic interests.19 A revolutionary movement becomes significant politically only when it is able to win the loyalty of allies, articulating a broader insurgency.20

In this second, political sense, there are no revolutionary movements in the United States today. The country has seen moments of large-scale popular mobilization, and some of these recent movements, such as the mass mobilizations for immigrant rights in 2006, have been “creative,” seizing the imagination of large segments of the population. One would think that the 2008 housing collapse, economic recession, subsequent insolvency of local governments, and bailout of the wealthy institutions and individuals most responsible for creating the financial crisis at the expense of almost everyone else provide fertile conditions for a broad insurgent politics. But as of this writing, it is an open question whether a broad, let alone revolutionary, challenge will develop. Recent movements have not sustained insurgency, advanced a revolutionary vision, or articulated a broader alliance to challenge established political power.

In our assessment, for the years 1968 to 1970, the Black Panther Party was revolutionary in Gramsci’s sense, both ideationally and politically. Ideationally, young Panthers dedicated their lives to the revolution because—as part of a global revolution against empire—they believed that they could transform the world. The revolutionary vision of the Party became the moral center of the Panther community.

(401)

While minimovements with revolutionary ideologies abound, there is no politically significant revolutionary movement in the United States today because no cadre of revolutionaries has developed ideas and practices that credibly advance the interests of a large segment of the people. Members of revolutionary sects can hawk their newspapers and proselytize on college campuses until they are blue in the face, but they remain politically irrelevant. Islamist insurgencies, with deep political roots abroad, are politically significant, but they lack potential constituencies in the United States.

No revolutionary movement of political significance will gain a foot-hold in the United States again until a group of revolutionaries develops insurgent practices that seize the political imagination of a large segment of the people and successively draw support from other constituencies, creating a broad insurgent alliance that is difficult to repress or appease. This has not happened in the United States since the heyday of the Black Panther Party and may not happen again for a very long time.

Notes from CastroChavism: Organized Crime in the Americas

CastroChavism: Organized Crime in the Americas by José Carlos Sánchez Berzaín, Bolivia’s former Minister of Defense and the author of XXI Century Dictatorship in Bolivia.

(16)

[Venezuela and Bolivia] are dictatorships that reach[ed] power through elections and through successive coups that liquate democracy.

(17)

The two Americas make up an axis of confrontation in which perpetual and arbitrary control of power, on the one handed, branded dictatorship with ideology as a pretext; versus democracy, with respect for human rights, alternation in power, accountability and free elections, declaratively protected by the inter-American system, enshrined – among others – in the inter-American democratic charter.

From 1959 to 1999, the Cuban dictatorship is “Castroism.” From 1999 onwards it is “Castrochavismo,” led by Hugo Chavez until his death.

(18-19)

It began as progressive leftist populism, and was successively called ALBA Movement (Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America); the Bolivarian Movement; and after a few years Socialism of the 21st Century.

Castro receives a new source of financing for his conspiratorial and criminal actions with Chavez’s surrender not only of Venezuela’s money and oil but, as we have learned today, of the entire country. This allowed the dictator to reactivate genuine Castroism under the mantle of the Bolivarian Movement, or ALBA, and disguise it as democracy. With Venezuela’s money he started conspiracies, which led to the fall and overthrow of democratic leaders. The first one occurs in Argentina, with the fall of President De La Rua. The second happens in Ecuador and it is Jamil Mahuad who pays the proce. The Third one is the overthrow of President Gonzalo Sanches de Lozada in Bolivia. The fourth is in Ecuador, with the fall of President Lucio Gutierrez. They also overthrew the OAS Secretary General, Miguel Angel Rodriguez, who had just been elected. A false case of corruption was planted in Costa Rica, where Rodriguez ends up being illegally detained, making room for Insulsa to arrive.

The nascent CastroChavista organization expands with Lula da Silva taking power in Brazil with the Workers Party, whose government he used to strengthen the extraordinary flow of economic resources with transnational corruption .A sample of such crimes include the infamous case of “Lava Jato – Odebrecht”

The destruction of democracy becomes noticeable in the exiles, who had been purely Cuban and are now regional – waves of Venezuelans Bolivians, Nicaraguans, Ecuadorians, Argentines, and Central Americans.

(21)

An electoral dictatorship is a political regime that by force or violence concentrates all power in a person or in a group or organization that repressed human rights and fundamental freedoms and uses illegitimate elections, neither free no fair, with fraud and corruption, to perpetuate itself indefinitely in power.”

(23)

Cuba, Venezuela, Bolivia and Nicaragua… are criminal entities that must be separated from politics and must be treated as transnational organized crime from within the framework of the Palermo Convention and other norms, without the immunities or privileges inherent to the heads of State or government.

(24)

Castrochavista dictatorships are in crisis, but are not defeated. They are called out as regimes that violate human rights, that have no rule of law, where there is no division or independence of public powers, and that are narco States and creators of poverty. To remain in power, they apply the uniform strategy of “resisting at all costs, destabilizing democracies, politicizing their situation and negotiating.”

The first element of this strategy, of “retention of all power at all costs,” can be seen in Nicaragua, Venezuela and Cuba – where they imprison and torture political prisoners. The President of the Human Rights assembly in Bolivia has just reported that there are 131 deaths without investigation from killings that the government has committed, and there are more than 100 political prisoners.

(25)

The second element of their strategy is to “destabilize democracies,” for which they conspire against those who accuse them and against the governments that defend democracy. The destabilization range from false news and character assassination of leaders whom they designate as right wing, to criminal acts of terrorism, kidnappings and narco guerrillas.

The third element of their strategy is to “politicize their situation and their criminal acts.” When the dictatorships in Cuba, Venezuela, Bolivia, Nicaragua improperly imprison a citizen, when they torture them, when they evn kill them – they call it defense of the revolution.

These four dictatorships are narco states and, to justify themselves, they argue that “drug trafficking is an instrument of struggle for the liberation of the peoples”

Evo Morales in 2016 at the United Nations said that “the fight against drug trafficking is an instrument of imperialism to oppress the peoples”.

Jesus Santrich fled from Colombia to Venezuela, proclaiming that he had been persecuted by the right. The bosses of the ELN narco-guerrillas of Colombia are under protection in Cuba.

The third element of Castrochavismo, which consists in politicizing their crimes, serves to ensure that when they kill any person they say that they are defending the revolution. When they torture they say they defend the popular process of liberation of peoples and so on.

The fourth element of Castrochavista strategy is to “negotiate”. They negotiate in order to gain time, demoralize the adversary, collect bills from their allies or extort money from third states to gain their support or at least neutralize them.

From these four elements, they survive.

(27)

Political events are based on respect for the “rule of law,” which is simply that “no one is above the law,” on the temporality of public service, on accountability and public responsibility, where you can take on an adversary. But organized crime has no adversaries, it has enemies and the difference between an adversary and an enemy is that the former is defeated or convinced, whereas the latter is eliminated, and this explains the number of crimes that Castrochavismo commits in the Americas.

(30)

The peoples of Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua and Bolivia are fighting against the dictatorships that oppress them, but it is not a local or national oppressor, they take on a transnational enemy, united by the objective of retaining power indefiniately as the best mechanism for impunity.

Castrochavismo as a transnational organized crime structure is a very powerful usurper with a lot of money, a lot of criminal armed forces, control of many media and many mercenaries of various specialties at its service, which has put the peoples they oppress in a true and extreme “defenseless condition.”

As long as there are dictatorships there will be no peace or security in the Americas.

(33)

It is vital to differentiate and separate that which is “politics” meaning an activity of public service, from that which is “organized crime” and “delinquency.” Politics with its ideologies, pragmatisms, imperfections, errors, crises, even tainted by corruption is one thing, but another very different things is politics and power under the control of associated criminals who turn their politics into their main instrument for the commission of crimes, the setting up of criminal organizations, the seizure and indefinite control of power with criminal objectives and for the sake of their own impunity.

Politics is legal, meaning that it is conducted in pheres considered to be “just, allowed, according to justice and reason” because it is of order and public service….

(35)

Castro, Maduro, Ortega and Morales are not politicians, they are not corrupted government – they are organized delinquency that holds political power and plans to indefinitely keep holding it. They can no longer keep being treated as politicians, and least of all as State Dignitaries.

(42)

CastroChavist is the label for Fidel Castro and Hugo Chavez’s undertaking that, using the subversive capabilities of the Cuban dictatorial regime and Venezuelan oil, has resurrected – commencing in 1999, the expansion of Castroist, antidemocratic communism with a heavy antiimperialist discourse.

(46-47)

What is happening in Venezuela today is the result of almost two decades of progressive and sustained abuses to freedom and democracy, violation of human rights, persecutions, electoral fraud, corruption, violation of the sovereignty of the country, theft of government and private resources, killing of the freedom of the press, elimination of the rule of law, disappearance of the separation and independence of the branches of government, control of the opposition, imprisonment and forced exile of political opponents, narcotics trafficking and all that may be necessary to make Venezuela a Castroist-model dictatorial “narco-state with a humanitarian crisis.”

The international democratic community has understood that for the sake of their own interests and security, it must preclude Venezuela from turning into the second consolidated dictatorship of the Americas, and prevent the dictatorships of Bolivia and Nicaragua from following that path. Liberating Venezuela is a strategic necessity.

(49)

In Bolivia, the top and perpetual leader of the coca leaf harvesters, Evo Morales, is the head of the Purinational State of Bolivia wherein “by decree of law” he has increated the lawful cultivation of coca by 83% from 12,000 hectares to 22,000 hectares and has increased the cultivation of unlawful coca from the existing 3,000 hectares in 2003 – the year they toppled President Sanchez de Lozada – to the current 50,000 hectares.

Evo Morales’ drug czar Colonel Rene Sanabria was arrested by the DEA for cocaine trafficking and has been sentenced by US judges to 15 years in jail.

(55)

In democracy, corruption is not the rule but the flaw, it is the violation of normalcy, “the misuse of government power to get illegitimate advantages, generally in a secret or private way”, it is “the consistent practice of utilizing the functions and means of the government for the benefit – whether this benefit be financial or otherwise – of those who are involved with it.” In a democracy, there are investigations, prosecution, and punishment with accountability, there is separation and independence of the branches of government, the Rule of Law exists, and there is freedom of the press. On the other hand, however, in dictatorships, corruption is the means, the cause, and the end objective of getting to, and indefinitely remaining in power.

(61)

The Venezuelan dictatorship is the Gordian knot the keeps the Venezuelan people from recovering their freedom and democracy, one that at the same time sustains dictatorships in the America, specifically in Cuba, Bolivia, and Nicaragua as a system of Transnational Organized Crime – they are a real danger not only for this region, but the whole world.

(62)

The hub of narcotics trafficking that Venezuela has been turned into, with the Colombian FARC’s cocaine and with Evo Morales’ coca growers’ unions from Bolivia, has penetrated the entire region and impacts the whole world with serious consequences in security and the wellbeing of people.

(65)

A well-orchastrated international system of public relations, lobbyists who work for the Cuba-Venezuela-Bolivia-Nicaragua group, the subjecting of PetroCaribe countries with bribes of Venezuelan oil, it’s penetration into international organizations, its control over the national news media and its creation and influence over international media, its collusion with important magnates and businessmen, and its repetitive anti-U.S. discourse along with its opening to Russia, China, North Korea, and Iran, have all been factors – that have allowed the existence of the Ortega’s Crime Dictatorship in Nicaragua.

(67)

Cuba with the Castro’s, Venezuela with Chavez and Maduro, Bolivia with Evo Morales, Nicaragua with Daniel Ortega, and Ecuador with Rafael Correa, replaced freedom of the press with a system of control of the information with prior censorship, self-censorship, financial and judicial repression. They appropriated themselves – through transfers under duress, seizures, intervention, and violence – of private news media in order to place them at their service, they have supported and created state media, founded and funded regional media, they manage the official propaganda as a mechanism for extorsion, they use taxes as a means of pressure and retribution, they extort companies regarding the assignment of propaganda, they start and sustain “assassination of reputation” campaigns against journalists and owners of news media.

(74)

Crimes committed by the 21st Century Socialist Regimes range from persecution with the aim of physical torture and killing, judicial trials with false accusations heard by “despicable judges”, the application of the regime’s pseudo-laws violating human rights or of “despicable laws”, restricting freedom of speech or freedom to work, to be employed, or discharge a profession, assassinating the individuals reputation to convert the wrongly accused as an undesirable, subjecting the person into a condition of being defenseless, depriving him/her of a job and much more.

(75)

…they’ve replaced politics with criminal practices in order to totally and indefinitely control political power.

Extortion is a key feature of the Castrochavista methods that is further proof of the Transnational Organized Crime nature of these dictatorships.

Extortion is “the pressure exerted on someone – through threats – to compel them to act in a certain way and obtain a monetary or other type of benefit.” The legal definition of extortion includes “the intimidation or serious threat that restricts a person to do, tolerate the doing or not doing of something for the purpose of deriving a benefit or undue advantage for one’s self or someone else.”

The Castrochavista constitutions have established “the law’s retroactivity” and have suppressed or limited parliamentary immunities in order to keep extorting members of the opposition.

Judges, prosecutors and even attorneys are extorted. Several cases corroborate this, cases, such as Venezuela’s Judge Maria Lourdes Afiuni’s jailing, violations, and tortures; the fired prosecutors and judges who were afterwards prosecuted in the case of Magistrate Gualberto Cusi in Bolivia, as well as the jailing of defense attorneys; the persecution and exile of Magistrates from Venezuela’s Supreme Justice Tribunal “ the legitimate one in exile,” or that of Attorney General Ortega, the assassination of Prosecutor Alberto Nisman in Kirchner’s Argentina, and dozens more.

The imprisonment, torture, humiliations, assassinations, and exile started as extrortions and are dictatorial warning operations in order to ensure the submission of the system it manipulates “setting precedents” of its decision to use extortion to obtain benefits for the dictator and his Organized Crime group who is called government. Benefits range from financial gain, cover up, and impunity, to the indefinite tenure in government.

(78)

Cornered by crises, the dictatorships of Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua and Bolivia, have gone into an attack more and the meeting of the Sao Paulo Forum in Havana was the scenario to launch their new phase of destabilization.

Dictatorships attack with forced migration, the generation of internal violence, and destabilization.

(79)

All of the region’s democratic countries are under the pressure of forced migration caused by Venezuela’s dictatorship that has converted on of its shameful problems into a problem for the whole region. Democracies must now deal with problems in: their security, unemployment, provision of health care, their handling of massive numbers of people in transit, identification issues, budgets, and human rights, all because the Castrochavista criminal regime of Nicolas Maduro has transformed its crimes and its effects into a political weapon. Very similar to the so-called “Mariel’s exodus” promoted by Dictator Fidel Castro against the United States, but many folds greater and for an indefinite period.

(81)

The Sao Paulo Forum is 1990 was the dictatorial reaction to the crash of Soviet Communism and was gathered, for the first time, with the objective of addressing the international scenario following the fall of the Berlin Wall and to confront the “neo-liberal” policies. It is the tool with which the Castroist dictatorship formulated the “multiplication of the confrontation axis” strategy, going beyond class struggles to the fight against any elements that may be useful to destabilize democratic governments.

The 21st Century in the Americas is the history of the Castro-Chavista buildup…

The worn-out cliché of “liberation of the peoples” as an “anti-imperialist” argument and slogan for massive demonstrations, has remained to become “the people’s oppression” that is corroborated by the quantity of massacres, assassinations, torture, political prisoners, exiles, and the daily life the people must endure.

(83)

It has become necessary for Americas’ leaders and politicians to clearly differentiate themselves from the criminals who hold power in Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua and Bolivia. Not doing so implies the assumed risk of being accomplices and concealers.

(89)

The price for Pablo Iglesias and PODEMOS backing to the investiture of the PSOE would be the sustainment of the dictatorships for which Iglesias works and their funding, are now amply evident in Spain’s new foreign policy aiming to sustain the CastroChavista dictatorships of Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua and Bolivia.

(92)

Is the use of force the only options for the dictatorships to leave?

Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua and Bolivia are under regimes that after applying all possible simulations and misrepresentations in order to be a revolution, a democracy, populist, leftist, and socialist governments but are nothing by Organized Crime’s organizations that hold power by force.

Alleging self-determination of the nation state while oppressing the citizens and violating their human rights is but another flaw of the CastroChavista dictatorships.

(95)

The parameters to qualify a regime as a dictatorship, an Organized Crime dictatorship, and a criminal government, are set out but existing universal and regional standards, such as: the United Nations Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Charter of Bogota, the Convenant of San Jose, the European Union Treaty, the Palermo Conventions, the Interamerican Democratic Charter, and many more.

(102)

The dictatorial nature of a regime is proven by its violation of all essential components of democracy through the supplanting of the democratic order, manipulation of constituent referendums, consults and elections, down to the imposition of a fraudulent legal framework, a “legal” scheme, that nowadays is the legal system in existence in Venezuela, Nicaragua, Bolivia and Correa’s Ecuador.

(105)

Why Abstention?

To run as a candidate in a dictatorship is to dress up a tyrant as a democrat.

(106)

For elections to be free and fair, there must be “conditions of democracy” in existence, this is the minimum presence of the essential components of democracy that will enable all citizens to be wither voters or be elected, will guarantee an equity of options to the candidates, transparency in the process, impartiality in the electoral authorities, offer guarantees of resources with impartial judges, with freedom of association, freedom of expression, freedom of the press, and guarantees against electoral fraud, timeliness and more.

(109)

In 1961, Cuba’s dictatorship birthed; Nicaragua’s National Liberation Army (ELN) afterwards converted into the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), then later converted into the 13th of November Revolutionary Movement (MR13N), and the Revolutionary Armed Forced (FAR) in Guatemala. In 1962, it birthed Venezuela’s National Liberation Armed Forces (FALN), the Colombian Self-Defense Forces turned into the Southern Block Forces afterwards turned into the Colombian Armed Revolutionary Forces (FARC). In Peru, it birthed the National Liberation Army (ELN) and the Leftist Revolutionary Movement (MIR), in Bolivia the National Liberation Army (ELN), in Uruguay the Tupamaros, as an urban guerrilla, in Argentina the Montoneros, and in the 70’s the People’s Revolutionary Army (ERP), in Brazil the Revolutionary Movement 8 (MR*), and many more. The Castroist movement did no spare any country from staining it with the blood of guerrillas.

(120)

The OAS has two charters; the Charter of Bogota which birthed the organization and the Interamerican Democratic Charter, with which democracy was institutionalized.

Article 1 of the IDC mandates that “America’s people haec the right to democracy and their government has the obligation to promote and defend it.”

(123)

The Palermo Convention for Human Trafficking should be applied to the Cuban physicians.

(134)

What dictator Nicolas Maduro and his regime insist in presenting as “elections” is a chain of serious crimes to misrepresent the popular sovereignty, sustain the narco-state, and guarantee himself impunity. The “organized crime group” that hold power has committed, and is willing to commit, whatever crime may be necessary to continue receiving the criminal benefits that have taken Venezuela to the current state of its ongoing crisis.

(188)

Fear is an essential component of dictatorships, this is why they kill the “Rule of Law” and supplant it with the “Rule of the State” with despicable laws to enable them to persecute, imprison, dishonor and wrest the property of, citizens.

The foreign enemy is useful in order to blame the United States for all disastrous results from the organized crime that holds political power, such as what the Castros’ have done for so many years and now Maduro, Morales, and their thugs do.

Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua, and Bolivia claim the “right” conspires, pays politicians, and wants them toppled, attributing to themselves the position of being “leftist”, socialist, and communist when in reality they are criminal “fascists” whose sole ideology and objective is the total and indefinite control of power along with their illicit enrichment.

(193)

Odebrecht is one of the Brazilian companies implicated in the Forum of Sao Paulo’s criminal network implemented by Lula de Silva with the dictators Fidel Castro and Hugo Chavez with the payments of millions of dollars in bribes.

(202)

Hugo Chavez allied himself with Fidel Castro in 1999 when Cuba agonized during it’s “special period” as a parasite state that, since the breakdown of the Soveit Union, did not have a way to survive. With Venezuela’s oil, Chavez salvaged the only dictatorship there was at that time in the Americas and kick started the recreation of Castroist expansionism under the labels of the Bolivarian Movement, ALBA, and 21st Century Socialism and that is today known as “CastroChavismo”.

 

 

 

Notes on Countering Threat Networks

Accession Number: AD1025082

Title: Countering Threat Networks

Descriptive Note: Technical Report

Corporate Author: JOINT STAFF WASHINGTON DC WASHINGTON

Abstract: 

This publication has been prepared under the direction of the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff CJCS. It sets forth joint doctrine to govern the activities and performance of the Armed Forces of the United States in joint operations, and it provides considerations for military interaction with governmental and nongovernmental agencies, multinational forces, and other interorganizational partners. It provides military guidance for the exercise of authority by combatant commanders and other joint force commanders JFCs, and prescribes joint doctrine for operations and training. It provides military guidance for use by the Armed Forces in preparing and executing their plans and orders. It is not the intent of this publication to restrict the authority of the JFC from organizing the force and executing the mission in a manner the JFC deems most appropriate to ensure unity of effort in the accomplishment of objectives. The worldwide emergence of adaptive threat networks introduces a wide array of challenges to joint forces in all phases of operations. Threat networks vary widely in motivation, structure, activities, operational areas, and composition. Threat networks may be adversarial to a joint force or may simply be criminally motivated, increasing instability in a given operational area. Countering threat networks CTN consists of activities to pressure threat networks or mitigate their adverse effects. Understanding a threat networks motivation and objectives is required to effectively counter its efforts.

 

Descriptors: Threats, military organizationsintelligence collection

 

Distribution Statement: APPROVED FOR PUBLIC RELEASE

 

Link to Article: https://apps.dtic.mil/sti/citations/AD1025082

 

Notes

Scope

This publication provides joint doctrine for joint force commanders and their staffs to plan, execute, and assess operations to identify, neutralize, disrupt, or destroy threat networks.

Introduction

The worldwide emergence of adaptive threat networks introduces a wide array of challenges to joint forces in all phases of operations. Threat networks vary widely in motivation, structure, activities, operational areas, and composition. Threat networks may be adversarial to a joint force or may simply be criminally motivated, increasing instability in a given operational area. Countering threat networks (CTN) consists of activities to pressure threat networks or mitigate their adverse effects. Understanding a threat network’s motivation and objectives is required to effectively counter its efforts.

Policy and Strategy

CTN planning and operations require extensive coordination as well as innovative, cross-cutting approaches that utilize all instruments of national power. The national military strategy describes the need of the joint force to operate in this complex environment.

Challenges of the Strategic Security Environment

CTN represents a significant planning and operational challenge because threat networks use asymmetric methods and weapons and often enjoy state cooperation, sponsorship, sympathy, sanctuary, or supply.

The Strategic Approach

The groundwork for successful countering threat networks activities starts with information and intelligence to develop an understanding of the operational environment and the threat network.

Military engagement, security cooperation, and deterrence are just some of the activities that may be necessary to successfully counter threat networks without deployment of a joint task force.

Achieving synergy among diplomatic, political, security, economic, and information activities demands unity of effort between all participants.

Threat Network Fundamentals

Threat Network Construct

A network is a group of elements consisting of interconnected nodes and links representing relationships or associations. A cell is a subordinate organization formed around a specific process, capability, or activity within a designated larger organization. A node is an element of a network that represents a person, place, or physical object. Nodes represent tangible elements within a network or operational environment (OE) that can be targeted for action. A link is a behavioral, physical, or functional relationship between nodes. Links establish the interconnectivity between nodes that allows them to work together as a network—to behave in a specific way (accomplish a task or perform a function). Nodes and links are useful in identifying centers of gravity (COGs), networks, and cells the joint force commander (JFC) may wish to influence or change during an operation.

Network Analysis

Network analysis is a means of gaining understanding of a group, place, physical object, or system. It identifies relevant nodes, determines and analyzes links between nodes, and identifies key nodes. The political, military, economic, social, information, and infrastructure systems perspective is a useful starting point for analysis of threat networks. Networks are typically formed at the confluence of three conditions: the presence of a catalyst, a receptive audience, and an accommodating environment. As conditions within the OE change, the network must adapt in order to maintain a minimal capacity to function within these conditions.

Determining and Analyzing Node-Link Relationships

Social network analysis provides a method that helps the JFC and staff understand the relevance of nodes and links. The strength or intensity of a single link can be relevant to determining the importance of the functional relationship between nodes and the overall significance to the larger system. The number and strength of nodal links within a set of nodes can be indicators of key nodes and a potential COG.

Threat Networks and Cells

A network must perform a number of functions in order to survive and grow. These functions can be seen as cells that have their own internal organizational structure and communications. These cells work in concert to achieve the overall organization’s goals. Examples of cells include: operational, logistical, training, communications, financial, and WMD proliferation cells.

Networked Threats and Their Impact on the Operational Environment

Networked threats are highly adaptable adversaries with the ability to select a variety of tactics, techniques, and technologies and blend them in unconventional ways to meet their strategic aims. Additionally, many threat networks supplant or even replace legitimate government functions such as health and social services, physical protection, or financial support in ungoverned or minimally governed areas. Once the JFC identifies the networks in the OE and understands their interrelationships, functions, motivations, and vulnerabilities, the commander tailors the force to apply the most effective tools against the threat.

Threat Network Characteristics

Threat networks manifest themselves and interact with neutral networks for protection, to perpetuate their goals, and to expand their influence. Networks take many forms and serve different purposes, but are all comprised of people, processes, places, material, or combinations.

Adaptive Networked Threats

For a threat network to survive political, economic, social, and military pressures, it must adapt to those pressures. Networks possess many characteristics important to their success and survival, such as flexible command and control structure; a shared identity; and the knowledge, skills, and abilities of group leaders and members to adapt.

Network Engagement

Network engagement is the interactions with friendly, neutral, and threat networks, conducted continuously and simultaneously at the tactical, operational, and strategic levels, to help achieve the commander’s objectives within an OE. To effectively counter threat networks, the joint force must seek to support and link with friendly networks and engage neutral networks through the building of mutual trust and cooperation through network engagement. Network engagement consists of three components: partnering with friendly networks, engaging neutral networks, and CTN to support the commander’s desired end state.

Networks, Links, and Identity Groups

All individuals are members of multiple, overlapping identity groups. These identity groups form links of affinity and shared understanding, which may be leveraged to form networks with shared purpose.

Types of Networks in an Operational Environment

There are three general types of networks found within an operational area: friendly, neutral, and hostile/threat networks. To successfully accomplish mission goals the JFC should equally consider the impact of actions on multinational and friendly forces, local population, criminal enterprises, as well as the adversary.

Identify a Threat Network

Threat networks often attempt to remain hidden. By understanding the basic, often masked sustainment functions of a given threat network, commanders may also identify individual networks within. A thorough joint intelligence preparation of the operational environment (JIPOE) product, coupled with “on-the-ground” assessment, observation, and all-source intelligence collection, will ultimately lead to an understanding of the OE and will allow the commander to visualize the network.

Planning to Counter Threat Networks

Joint Intelligence Preparation of the Operational Environment and Threat Networks

JIPOE is the first step in identifying the essential elements that constitute the OE and is used to plan and conduct operations against threat networks. The focus of the JIPOE analysis for threat networks is to help characterize aspects of the networks.

Understanding the Threat’s Network

To neutralize or defeat a threat network, friendly forces must do more than understand how the threat network operates, its organization goals, and its place in the social order; they must also understand how the threat is shaping its environment to maintain popular support, recruit, and raise funds. Building a network function template is a method to organize known information about the network associated with structure and functions of the network. By developing a network function template, the information can be initially understood and then used to facilitate critical factors analysis (CFA). CFA is an analytical framework to assist planners in analyzing and identifying a COG and to aid operational planning.

Targeting Evaluation Criteria

A useful tool in determining a target’s suitability for attack is the criticality, accessibility, recuperability, vulnerability, effect, and recognizability (CARVER) analysis. The CARVER method as it applies to networks provides a graph-based numeric model for determining the importance of engaging an identified target, using qualitative analysis, based on seven factors: network affiliations, criticality, accessibility, recuperability, vulnerability, effect, and recognizability.

Countering Threat Networks Through the Planning of Phases

JFCs may plan and conduct CTN activities throughout all phases of a given operation. Upon gaining an understanding of the various threat networks in the OE through the joint planning process (JPP), JFCs and their staffs develop a series of prudent (feasible, suitable, and acceptable) CTN actions to be executed in conjunction with other phased activities.

Activities to Counter Threat Networks

Targeting Threat Networks

JIPOE is one of the critical inputs to support the development of these products, but must include a substantial amount of analysis on the threat network to adequately identify the critical nodes, critical capabilities (network’s functions), and critical requirements for the network. Joint force targeting efforts should employ a comprehensive approach, leveraging military force and civil agency capabilities that keep continuous pressure on multiple nodes and links of the network’s structure.

Desired Effects on Networks

When commanders decide to generate an effect on a network through engaging specific nodes, the intent may not be to cause damage, but to shape conditions of a mental or moral nature. The selection of effects desired on a network is conducted as part of target selection, which includes the consideration of capabilities to employ that was identified during capability analysis of the joint targeting cycle.

Targeting

CTN targets can be characterized as targets that must be engaged immediately because of the significant threat they represent or the immediate impact they will make related to the JFC’s intent, key nodes such as high-value individuals, or longer-term network infrastructure targets (caches, supply routes, safe houses) that are normally left in place for a period of time to exploit them. Resources to service/exploit these targets are allocated in accordance with the JFC’s priorities, which are constantly reviewed and updated through the command’s joint targeting process.

Lines of Effort by Phase

During each phase of an operation or campaign against a threat network, there are specific actions that the JFC can take to facilitate countering threats network. However, these actions are not unique to any particular phase, and must be adapted to the specific requirements of the mission and the OE.

Theater Concerns in Countering Threat Networks

Many threat networks are transnational, recruiting, financing, and operating on a global basis. Theater commanders need to be aware of the relationships among these networks and identify the basis for their particular connection to a geographic combatant commander’s area of responsibility.

Operational Approaches to Countering Threat Networks

There are many ways to integrate CTN into the overall plan. In some operations, the threat network will be the primary focus of the operation. In others, a balanced approach through multiple line of operations and lines of effort may be necessary, ensuring that civilian concerns are met while protecting them from the threat networks’ operators.

Assessments

Assessment of Operations to Counter Threat Networks

CTN assessments at the strategic, operational, and tactical levels and across the instruments of national power are vital since many networks have regional and international linkages as well as capabilities. Objectives must be developed during the planning process so that progress toward objectives can be assessed. CTN assessments require staffs to conduct analysis more intuitively and consider both anecdotal and circumstantial evidence. Since networked threats operate among civilian populations, there is a greater need for human intelligence.

Operation Assessment

CTN activities may require assessing multiple measures of effectiveness (MOEs) and measures of performance (MOPs), depending on threat network activity. The assessment process provides a feedback mechanism to the JFC to provide guidance and direction for future operations and targeting efforts against threat networks.

Assessment Framework for Countering Threat Networks

The assessment framework broadly outlines three primary activities: organize, analyze, and communicate. In conducting each of these activities, assessors must be linked to JPP, understand the operation plan, and inform the intelligence process as to what information is required to support indicators, MOEs, and MOPs. In assessing CTN operations, quantitative data and analysis will inform assessors.

CHAPTER I

OVERVIEW

“The emergence of amorphous, adaptable, and networked threats has far-reaching implications for the US national security community. These threats affect DOD [Department of Defense] priorities and war fighting strategies, driving greater integration with other departments and agencies performing national security missions, and create the need for new organizational concepts and decision- making paradigms. The impacts are likely to influence defense planning for years to come.”

Department of Defense Counternarcotics and Global Threats Strategy, April 2011

Threat networks are those whose size, scope, or capabilities threaten US interests. These networks may include the underlying informational, economic, logistical, and political components to enable these networks to function. These threats create a high level of uncertainty and ambiguity in terms of intent, organization, linkages, size, scope, and capabilities. These threat networks jeopardize the stability and sovereignty of nation-states, including the US.

They tend to operate among civilian populations and in the seams of society and may have components that are recognized locally as legitimate parts of society. Collecting information and intelligence on these networks, their nodes, links, and affiliations is challenging, and analysis of their strengths, weaknesses, and centers of gravity (COGs) differs greatly from traditional nation- state adversaries.

  1. Threat networks are part of the operational environment (OE). These networks utilize existing networks and may create new networks that seek to move money, people, information, and goods for the benefit of the network.

Not all of these interactions create instability and not all networks are a threat to the joint force and its mission. While some societies may accept a certain degree of corruption and criminal behavior as normal, it is never acceptable for these elements to develop networks that begin to pose a threat to national and regional stability. When a network begins to pose a threat, action should be considered to counter the threat.

This doctrine will focus on those networks that do present a threat with an understanding that friendly, neutral, and threat networks overlap and share nodes and links. Threat networks vary widely in motivation, structure, activities, operational areas, and composition. Threat networks may be adversarial to a joint force or may simply be criminally motivated, increasing instability in a given operational area. Some politically or ideologically based networks may avoid open confrontation with US forces; nevertheless, these networks may threaten mission success. Their activities may include spreading ideology, moving money, moving supplies (including weapons and fighters), human trafficking, drug smuggling, information relay, or acts of terrorism toward the population or local governments. Threat networks may be local, regional, or international and a threat to deployed joint forces and the US homeland.

  1. Understandingathreatnetwork’smotivationandobjectivesisrequiredtoeffectively counter its efforts. The issues that drive a network and its ideology should be clearly understood. For example, they may be driven by grievances, utopian ideals, power, revenge over perceived past wrongs, greed, or a combination of these.
  2. CTN is one of three pillars of network engagement that includes partnering with friendly networks and engaging with neutral networks in order to attain the commander’s desired military end state within a complex OE. It consists of activities to pressure threat networks or mitigate their adverse effects. These activities normally occur continuously and simultaneously at multiple levels (tactical, operational, and strategic) and may employ lethal and/or nonlethal capabilities in a direct or indirect manner. The most effective operations pressure and influence elements of these networks at multiple fronts and target multiple nodes and links.

The networks found in the OE may be simple or complex and must be identified and thoroughly analyzed. Neither all threats nor all elements of their supporting networks can be defeated, particularly if they have a regional or global presence. Certain elements of the network can be deterred, other parts neutralized, and some portions defeated. Engaging these threats through their supporting networks is not an adjunct or ad hoc set of operations and may be the primary mission of the joint force. It is not a stand-alone operation planned and conducted separately from other military operations. CTN should be fully integrated into the joint operational design, joint intelligence preparation of the operational environment (JIPOE), joint planning process (JPP), operational execution, joint targeting process, and joint assessments.

  1. Threat networks are often the most complex adversaries that exist within the OEs and frequently employ asymmetric methods to achieve their objectives. Disrupting their global reach and ability to influence events far outside of a specific operational area requires unity of effort across combatant commands (CCMDs) and all instruments of national power.

Joint staffs must realize that effectively targeting threat networks must be done in a comprehensive manner. This is accomplished by leveraging the full spectrum of capabilities available within the joint force commander’s (JFC’s) organization, from intergovernmental agencies, and/or from partner nations (PNs).

  1. Policy and Strategy
  2. DOD strategic guidance recognizes the increasing interconnectedness of the international order and the corresponding complexity of the strategic security environment.

Threat networks and their linkages transcend geographic and functional CCMD boundaries.

  1. CCDRs must be able to employ a joint force to work with interagency and interorganizational security partners in the operational area to shape, deter, and disrupt threat networks. They may employ a joint force with PNs to neutralize and defeat threat networks.
  2. CCDRs develop their strategies by analyzing all aspects of the OE and developing options to set conditions to attain strategic end states. They translate these options into an integrated set of CCMD campaign activities described in CCMD campaign and associated subordinate and supporting plans. CCDRs must understand the OE, recognize nation-state use of proxies and surrogates, and be vigilant to the dangers posed by super-empowered threat networks. Super-empowered threat networks are networks that develop or obtain nation-state capabilities in terms of weapons, influence, funding, or lethal aid.

In combination with US diplomatic, economic, and informational efforts, the joint force must leverage partners and regional allies to foster cooperation in addressing transnational challenges.

  1. Challenges of the Strategic Security Environment
  2. The strategic security environment is characterized by uncertainty, complexity, rapid change, and persistent conflict. Advances in technology and information have facilitated individual non-state actors and networks to move money, people, and resources, and spread violent ideology around the world. Non-state actors are able to conduct activities globally and nation-states leverage proxies to launch and maintain sustained campaigns in remote areas of the world.

Alliances, partnerships, cooperative arrangements, and inter-network conflict may morph and shift week-to-week or even day-to- day. Threat networks or select components often operate clandestinely. The organizational construct, geographical location, linkages, and presence among neutral or friendly populations are difficult to detect during JIPOE, and once a rudimentary baseline is established, ongoing changes are difficult to track. This makes traditional intelligence collection and analysis, as well as operations and assessments, much more challenging than against traditional military threats.

  1. Deterring threat networks is a complex and difficult challenge that is significantly different from classical notions of deterrence. Deterrence is most classically thought of as the threat to impose such high costs on an adversary that restraint is the only rational conclusion. When dealing with violent extremist organizations and other threat networks, deterrence is likely to be ineffective due to radical ideology, diffuse organization, and lack of ownership of territory.

due to the complexity of deterring violent extremist organizations, flexible approaches must be developed according to a network’s ideology, organization, sponsorship, goals, and other key factors to clearly communicate that the targeted action will not achieve the network’s objectives.

  1. CTN represents a significant planning and operational challenge because threat networks use asymmetric methods and weapons and often enjoy state cooperation, sponsorship, sympathy, sanctuary, or supply. These networked threats transcend operational areas, areas of influence, areas of interest, and the information environment (to include cyberspace [network links and nodes essential to a particular friendly or adversary capability]). The US military is one of the instruments of US national power that may be employed in concert with interagency, international, and regional security partners to counter threat networks.
  2. Threat networks have the ability to remotely plan, finance, and coordinate attacks through global communications (to include social media), transportation, and financial networks. These interlinked areas allow for the high-speed, high-volume exchange of ideas, people, goods, money, and weapons.

“Terrorists and insurgents increasingly are turning to TOC [transnational organized crime] to generate funding and acquire logistical support to carry out their violent acts. While the crime-terror[ist] nexus is still mostly opportunistic, this nexus is critical nonetheless, especially if it were to involve the successful criminal transfer of WMD [weapons of mass destruction] material to terrorists or their penetration of human smuggling networks as a means for terrorists to enter the United States.”

Strategy to Combat Transnational Organized Crime, July 2011

using the global communications network, threat networks have demonstrated their ability to recruit like- minded individuals from outside of their operational area and have been successful in recruiting even inside the US and PNs. Many threat networks have mastered social media and tapped into the proliferation of traditional and nontraditional news media outlets to create powerful narratives, which generate support and sympathy in other countries. Cyberspace is equally as important to the threat network as physical terrain. Future operations will require the ability to monitor and engage threat networks within cyberspace, since this provides them an opportunity to coordinate sophisticated operations that advance their interests.

  1. Threat Networks and Levels of Warfare
  2. The purpose of CTN activities is to shape the security environment, deter aggression, provide freedom of maneuver within the operational area and its approaches, and, when necessary, defeat threat networks.

Supporting activities may include training, use of military equipment, subject matter expertise, cyberspace operations, information operations (IO) (use of information-related capabilities [IRCs]), military information support operations (MISO), counter threat finance (CTF), interdiction operations, raids, or civil-military operations.

In nearly all cases, diplomatic efforts, sanctions, financial pressure, criminal investigations, and intelligence community activities will complement military operations.

  1. Threat networks and their supporting network capabilities (finance, logistics, smuggling, command and control [C2], etc.) will present challenges to the joint force at the tactical, operational, and strategic levels due to their adaptive nature to conditions in the OE. Figure I-1 depicts some of the threat networks that may be operating in the OE and their possible impact on the levels of warfare.

Complex alliances between threat, neutral, and friendly networks may vary at each level, by agency, and in different geographic areas in terms of their membership, composition, goals, resources, strengths, and weaknesses. Strategically they may be part of a larger ideological movement at odds with several regional governments, have regional aspirations for power, or oppose the policies of nations attempting to achieve military stability in a geographic region.

Tactically, there may be local alliances with criminal networks, tribes, or clans that may not be ideologically aligned with one another, but could find common cause in opposing joint force operations in their area or harboring grievances against the host nation (HN) government. Analysis will be required for each level of warfare and for each network throughout the operational area. This analysis should be aligned with analysis from intelligence community agencies and international partners that often inject critical information that may impact joint planning and operations.

  1. The Strategic Approach
  2. The groundwork for successful CTN activities starts with information and intelligence to develop an understanding of the OE and the threat network.
  3. Current operational art and operational design as described within JPP is applicable to CTN. Threat networks tend to be difficult to collect intelligence on, analyze, and understand. Therefore, several steps within the operational approach methodology outlined in JP 5-0, Joint Planning, such as understanding the OE and defining the problem may require more resources and time.

JP 2-01.3, Joint Intelligence Preparation of the Operational Environment, provides the template for this process used to analyze all relevant aspects of the OE. Within operational design, determining the strategic, operational, and tactical COGs and decisive points of multiple threat networks will be more challenging than analyzing a traditional military force…

  1. Strategic and operational approaches require greater interagency coordination. This is critical for achieving unity of effort against threat network critical vulnerabilities (CVs) (see Chapter II, “Threat Network Fundamentals”). When analyzing networks, there will never be a single COG. The identification of the factors that comprise the COG(s) for a network will still require greater analysis, since each individual of the network may be motivated by different aspects. For example, some members may join a network for ideological reasons, while others are motivated by monetary gain. This aspect must be understood when analyzing human networks.
  2. Threat networks will adapt rapidly and sometimes “out of view” of intelligence collection efforts.

Intelligence sharing… must be complemented by integrated planning and execution to achieve the optimal operational tempo to defeat threats. Traditionally defined geographic operational areas, roles, responsibilities, and authorities often require greater cross-area coordination and adaptation to counter threat networks. Unity of effort seeks to synchronize understanding of and actions against a group’s or groups’ political, military, economic, social, information, and infrastructure (PMESII) systems as well as the links and nodes that are part of the group’s supporting networks.

  1. Joint Force and Interagency Coordination
  2. The USG and its partners face a wide range of local, national, and transnational irregular challenges to the stability of the international system. Successful deterrence of non- state actors is more complicated and less predictable than in the past, and non-state actors may derive significant capabilities from state sponsorship.
  3. Adaptingtoanincreasinglycomplexworldrequiresunityofefforttocounterviolent extremism and strengthen regional security.

To improve understanding, USG departments and agencies should strive to develop strong relationships while learning to speak each other’s language, or better yet, use a common lexicon.

  1. At each echelon of command, the actions taken to achieve stability vary only in the amount of detail required to create an actionable picture of the enemy and the OE. Each echelon of command has unique functions that must be synchronized with the other echelons, as part of the overall operation to defeat the enemy. Achieving synergy among diplomatic, political, security, economic, and information activities demands unity of effort between all participants. This is best achieved through an integrated approach. A common interagency assessment of the OE establishes a deep and shared understanding of the cultural, ideological, religious, demographic, and geographical factors that affect the conditions in the OE.
  2. Establishing a whole-of-government approach to achieve unity of effort should begin during planning. Achieving unity of effort is problematic due to challenges in information sharing, competing priorities, differences in lexicon, and uncoordinated activities.
  3. Responsibilities
  4. Operations against threat networks require unity of effort across the USG and multiple authorities outside DOD. Multiple instruments of national power will be operating in close proximity and often conducting complementary activities across the strategic, operational, and tactical levels. In order to integrate, deconflict, and synchronize the activities of these multiple entities, the commander should form a joint interagency coordination group, with representatives from all participants operating in or around the operational area.
  5. The military provides general support to a number of USG departments and agencies for their CTN activities ranging from CT to CD. A number of USG departments and agencies have highly specialized interests in threat networks, and their activities directly impact the military’s own CTN activities. For example, the Department of the Treasury’s CTF activities help to deny the threat network the funding needed to conduct operations.

CHAPTER II

THREAT NETWORK FUNDAMENTALS 1. Threat Network Construct

  1. Network Basic Components. All networks, regardless of size, share basic components and characteristics. Understanding common components and characteristics will help to develop and establish common joint terminology and standardize outcomes for network analysis, CTN planning, activities, and assessments across the joint force and CCMDs.
  2. Networks Terminology. A threat network consists of interconnected nodes and links and may be organized using subordinate and associated networks and cells. Understanding the individual roles and connections of each element is as important to conducting operations, as is understanding the overall network structure, known as the network topology.

Network boundaries must also be determined, especially when dealing with overlapping networks and global networks. Operations will rarely be possible against an entire threat or its supporting networks. Understanding the network topology allows planners to develop an operational approach and associated tactics necessary to create the desired effects against the network.

(1) Network. A network is a group of elements consisting of interconnected nodes and links representing relationships or associations. Sometimes the terms network and system are synonymous. This publication uses the term network to distinguish threat networks from the multitude of other systems, such as an air defense system, communications system, transportation system, etc.

(2) Cell. A cell is a subordinate organization formed around a specific process, capability, or activity within a designated larger organization.

(3) Node. A node is an element of a network that represents a person, place, or physical object. Nodes represent tangible elements within a network or OE that can be targeted for action. Nodes may fall into one or more PMESII categories.

(4) Link. A link is a behavioral, physical, or functional relationship between nodes.

Links establish the interconnectivity between nodes that allows them to work together as a network—to behave in a specific way (accomplish a task or perform a function). Nodes and links are useful in identifying COGs, networks, and cells the JFC may wish to influence or change during an operation.

  1. Network Analysis
  2. Network analysis is a means of gaining understanding of a group, place, physical object, or system. It identifies relevant nodes, determines and analyzes links between nodes, and identifies key nodes.

The PMESII systems perspective is a useful starting point for analysis of threat networks.

Network analysis facilitates identification of significant information about networks that might otherwise go unnoticed. For example, network analysis can uncover positions of power within a network, show the cells that account for its structure and organization, find individuals or cells whose removal would greatly alter the network, and facilitate measuring change over time.

  1. All networks are influenced by and in turn influence the OEs in which they exist. Analysts must understand the underlying conditions; the frictions between individuals and groups; familial, business, and governmental relationships; and drivers of instability that are constantly subject to change and pressures. All of these factors evolve as the networks change shape, increase or decrease capacity, and strive to influence and control things within the OE, and they contribute to or hinder the networks’ successes. Environmental framing is selecting, organizing, and interpreting and making sense of a complex reality; it serves as a guide for analyzing, understanding, and acting.
  2. Networks are typically formed at the confluence of three conditions: the presence of a catalyst, a receptive audience, and an accommodating environment. As conditions within the OE change, the network must adapt in order to maintain a minimal capacity to function within these conditions.

(1) Catalyst. A catalyst is a condition or variable within the OE that could motivate or bind a group of individuals together to take some type of action to meet their collective needs. These catalysts may be identified as critical variables as units conduct their evaluation of the OE and may consist of a person, idea, need, event, or some combination thereof. The potential exists for the catalyst to change based on the conditions of the OE.

(2) Receptive Audience. A receptive audience is a group of individuals that feel they have more to gain by engaging in the activities of the network than by not participating. Additionally, in order for a network to form, the members of the network must have the motivation and means to conduct actions that address the catalyst that generated the network. Depending on the type of network and how it is organized, leadership may or may not be necessary for the network to form, survive, or sustain collective action. The receptive audience originates from the human dimension of the OE.

(3) Accommodating Environment. An accommodating environment is the conditions within the OE that facilitate the organization and actions of a network. Proper conditions must exist within the OE for a network to form to fill a real or perceived need. Networks can exist for a time without an accommodating environment, but without it the network will ultimately fail.

  1. Networks utilize the PMESII system structure within the OE to form, survive and function. Like the joint force, threat networks will also have desired end states and objectives. As analysis is being conducted of the OE, the joint staff should identify the critical variables within the OE for the network. A critical variable is a key resource or condition present within the OE that has a direct impact on the commander’s objectives and may affect the formation and sustainment of networks.
  2. Determining and Analyzing Node-Link Relationships

Links are derived from data or extrapolations based on data. A benefit of graphically portraying node-link relationships is that the potential impact of actions against certain nodes can become more evident. Social network analysis (SNA) provides a method that helps the JFC and staff understand the relevance of nodes and links. Network mapping is essential to conducting SNA.

  1. Link Analysis. Link analysis identifies and analyzes relationships between nodes in a network. Network mapping provides a visualization of the links between nodes, but does not provide the qualitative data necessary to fully define the links.

During link analysis, the analyst examines the conditions of the relationship, strong or weak, informal or formal, formed by familial, social, cultural, political, virtual, professional, or any other condition.

  1. Nodal Analysis. Individuals are associated with numerous networks due to their individual identities. A node’s location within a network and in relation to other nodes carries identity, power, or belief and influences behavior.

Examples of these types of identities include locations of birth, family, religion, social groups, organizations, or a host of various characteristics that define an individual. These individual attributes are often collected during identity activities and fused with attributes from unrelated collection activities to form identity intelligence (I2) products. Some aspects used to help understand and define an individual are directly related to the conditions that supported the development of relationships to other nodes.

  1. Network Analysis. Throughout the JIPOE process, at every echelon and production category, one of the most important, but least understood, aspects of analysis is sociocultural analysis (SCA). SCA is the study, evaluation, and interpretation of information about adversaries and relevant actors through the lens of group-level decision making to discern catalysts of behavior and the context that shapes behavior. SCA considers relationships and activities of the population, SNA (looking at the interpersonal, professional, and social networks tied to an individual), as well as small and large group dynamics.

SNA not only examines individuals and groups of individuals within a social structure such as a terrorist, criminal, or insurgent organization, but also examines how they interact. Interactions are often repetitive, enduring, and serve a greater purpose, and the interaction patterns affect behavior. If enough nodes and links information can be collected, behavior patterns can be observed and, to some extent, predicted.

SNA differs from link analysis because it only analyzes similar objects (e.g., people or organizations), not the relationships between the objects. SNA provides objective analysis of current and predicted network structure and interaction of networks that have an impact on the OE.

  1. Threat Networks and Cells

A network must perform a number of functions in order to survive and grow. These functions can be seen as cells that have their own internal organizational structure and communications. These cells work in concert to achieve the overall organization’s goals.

Networks do not exist in a vacuum. They normally share nodes and links with other networks. Each network may require a unique operational approach as they adapt to their OE or to achieve new objectives. They may form a greater number of cells if they are capable of independent operations consistent with the threat network’s overall operational goals.

They may move to a more hierarchical system due to lack of leadership, questions regarding loyalty of subordinates, or inexperienced lower-level personnel. Understanding these dimensions allows a commander to craft a more effective operational approach. These cells are examples only. The list is neither exclusive nor inclusive. Each network and cell will change, adapt, and morph over time.

  1. Operational Cells. Operational cells carry out the day-to-day operations of the network and are typically people-based (e.g., terrorists, guerrilla fighters, drug dealers). It is extremely difficult to gather intelligence on and depict every single node and link within an operational network. However, understanding key nodes, links, and cells that are particularly effective allows for precision targeting and greater effectiveness.
  2. Logistical Cells. Logistical cells provide threat networks the necessary supplies, weapons, ammunition, fuel, and military equipment to operate. Logistical cells are easier to observe and target than operational or communications cells since they move large amounts of material, which makes them more visible. These cells may include individuals who are not as ideologically motivated or committed as those in operational networks.

Threat logistical cells often utilize legitimate logistics nodes and links to hide their activities “in the noise” of legitimate supplies destined for a local or regional economy.

  1. Training Cells. Most network leaders desire to grow the organization for power, prestige, and advancement of their goals. Logistical cells may be used to move material, trainers, and trainees into a training area, or that portion of logistics may be a distinct part of the training cells.

Training requires the aggregation of new personnel and often includes physical structures to support activities which may also be visible and provide additional information to better understand the network.

  1. Communications Cells. Most threat networks have at minimum rudimentary communications cells for operational, logistical and financial purposes and another to communicate their strategic narrative to a target or neutral population.

The use of Internet-based social media platforms by threat networks increases the likelihood of gathering information, including geospatial information.

  1. Financial Cells. Threat networks require funding for every aspect of their activities, to maintain and expand membership, and to spread their message. Their financial cell moves money from legitimate and illegitimate business operations, foreign donors, and taxes collected or coerced from the population to the operational area.
  2. WMD Proliferation Cells. Many of these cells are not organized specifically for the proliferation of WMD. In fact, many existing cells may be utilized out of convenience. Examples of existing cells include human trafficking, counterfeiting, and drug trafficking.

The JFC should use a systems perspective to better understand the complexity of the OE and associated networks. This perspective looks across the PMESII systems to identify the nodes, links, COGs, and potential vulnerabilities within the network.

  1. Analyze the Network

Key nodes exist in every major network and are critical to their function. Nodes may be people, places, or things. For example, a town that is the primary conduit for movement of illegal narcotics would be the key node in a drug trafficking network. Some may become decisive points for military operations since, when acted upon, they could allow the JFC to gain a marked advantage over the adversary or otherwise to contribute materially to achieving success. Weakening or eliminating a key node should cause its related group of nodes and links to function less effectively or not at all, while strengthening the key node could enhance the performance of the network as a whole. Key nodes often are linked to, resident in, or influence multiple networks.

Node centrality can highlight possible positions of importance, influence, or prominence and patterns of connections. A node’s relative centrality is determined by analyzing measurable characteristics: degree, closeness, betweenness, and eigenvector.

CHAPTER III

NETWORKS IN THE OPERATIONAL ENVIRONMENT

“How many times have we killed the number three in al-Qaida? In a network, everyone is number three.”

Dr. John Arquilla, Naval Postgraduate School

  1. Networked Threats and Their Impact on the Operational Environment
  2. In a world increasingly characterized by volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity, a wide range of local, national, and transnational irregular challenges to the stability of the international system have emerged. Traditional threats like insurgencies and criminal gangs have been exploiting weak or corrupt governments for years, but the rise of transnational extremists and their active cooperation with traditional threats has changed the global dynamic.
  3. All networks are vulnerable, and a JFC and staff armed with a comprehensive understanding of a threat network’s structure, purpose, motivations, functions, interrelationships, and operations can determine the most effective means, methods, and timing to exploit that vulnerability.

Network analysis and exploitation are not simple tasks. Networked threats are highly adaptable adversaries with the ability to select a variety of tactics, techniques, and technologies and blend them in unconventional ways to meet their strategic aims. Additionally, many threat networks supplant or even replace legitimate government functions such as health and social services, physical protection, or financial support in ungoverned or minimally governed areas. This de facto governance of an area by a threat network makes it more difficult for the joint force to simultaneously attack a threat and meet the needs of the population.

  1. Once the JFC identifies the networks in the OE and understands their interrelationships, functions, motivations, and vulnerabilities, the commander tailors the force to apply the most effective tools against the threat.

the JTF requires active support and participation by USG, HN, nongovernmental agencies, and partners, particularly when it comes to addressing cross-border sanctuary, arms flows, and the root causes of instability. This “team of teams” approach facilitates unified action, which is essential for organizing for operations against an adaptive threat.

  1. Threat Network Characteristics

Threat networks do not differ much from non-threat networks in their functional organization and requirements. Threat networks manifest themselves and interact with neutral networks for protection, to perpetuate their goals, and to expand their influence. Networks involving people have been described as insurgent, criminal, terrorist, social, political, familial, tribal, religious, academic, ethnic, or demographic. Some non-human networks include communications, financial, business, electrical/power, water, natural resources, transportation, or informational. Networks take many forms and serve different purposes, but are all comprised of people, processes, places, material, or combinations. Individual network components are identifiable, targetable, and exploitable. Almost universally, humans are members of more than one network, and most networks rely on other networks for sustainment or survival.

Organized threats leverage multiple networks within the OE based on mission requirements or to achieve objectives not unilaterally achievable. The following example shows some typical networks that a threat will use and/or exploit. This “network of networks” is always present and presents challenges to the JFC when planning operations to counter threats that nest within various friendly, neutral, and hostile networks

  1. Adaptive Networked Threats

For a threat network to survive political, economic, social, and military pressures, it must adapt to those pressures. Survival and success are directly connected to adaptability and the ability to access financial, logistical, and human resources. Networks possess many characteristics important to their success and survival, such as flexible C2 structure; a shared identity; and the knowledge, skills, and abilities of group leaders and members to adapt. They must also have a steady stream of resources and may require a sanctuary (safe haven) from which to regroup and plan.

  1. C2 Structure. There are many potential designs for the threat network’s internal organization. Some are hierarchical, some flat, and others may be a combination. The key is that to survive, networks adapt continuously to changes in the OE, especially in response to friendly actions. Commanders must be able to recognize changes in the threat’s C2 structures brought about by friendly actions and maintain pressure to prevent a successful threat reconstitution.
  2. Shared Identity. Shared identity among the membership is normally based on kinship, ideology, religion, and personal relationships that bind the network and facilitate recruitment. These identity attributes can be an important part of current and future identity activities efforts, and analysis can be initiated before hostilities are imminent.
  3. Knowledge, Skills, and Abilities of Group Leaders and Members. All threat networks have varying degrees of proficiency. In initial stages of development, a threat organization and its members may have limited capabilities. An organization’s survival rests on the knowledge, skills, and abilities of its leadership and membership. By seeking out subject matter expertise, financial backing, or proxy support from third parties, an organization can increase their knowledge, skills, and abilities, making them more adaptable and increasing their chance for survival.
  4. Resources. Resources in the form of arms, money, technology, social connectivity, and public recognition are used by threat networks. Identification and systematic strangulation of threat resources is the fundamental principle for CTN. For example, money is one of the critical resources of adversary networks. Denying the adversary its finances makes it harder, and perhaps impossible to pay, train, arm, feed, and clothe forces or gather information and produce the propaganda.
  5. Adaptability. This includes the ability to learn and adjust behaviors; modify tactics, techniques, and procedures (TTP); improve communications security and operations security; successfully employ IRCs; and create solutions for safeguarding critical nodes and reconstituting expertise, equipment, funding, and logistics lines that are lost to friendly disruption efforts. Analysts conduct trend analysis and examine key indicators within the OE that might suggest how and why networks will change and adapt. Disruption efforts will often provoke a network’s changing of its methods or practices, but often external influences, local relationships and internal friction, geographic and climate challenges, and global economic factors might also be some of the factors that motivate a threat network to change or adapt to survive.
  6. Sanctuary (Safe Havens). Safe havens allow the threat networks to conduct planning, training, and logistic reconstitution. Threat networks require certain critical capabilities (CCs) to maintain their existence, not the least of which are safe havens from which to regenerate combat power and/or areas from which to launch attacks.
  7. Network Engagement
  8. Network engagement is the interactions with friendly, neutral, and threat networks, conducted continuously and simultaneously at the tactical, operational, and strategic levels, to help achieve the commander’s objectives within an OE. To effectively counter threat networks, the joint force must seek to support and link with friendly networks and engage neutral networks through the building of mutual trust and cooperation through network engagement.
  9. Network engagement consists of three components: partnering with friendly networks, engaging neutral networks, and CTN to support the commander’s desired end state.
  10. Individuals may be associated with numerous networks due to their unique identities. Examples of these types of identities include location of birth, family, religion, social groups, organizations, or a host of various characteristics that define an individual. Therefore, it is not uncommon for an individual to be associated with more than one type of network (friendly, neutral, or threat). Individual identities provide the basis that allows for the interrelationship between friendly, neutral, and threat networks to exist. It is this interrelationship that makes categorizing networks a challenge. Classifying a network as friendly or neutral when in fact it is a threat may provide the network with too much freedom or access. Mislabeling a friendly or neutral network as a threat may cause actions to be taken against that network that can have unforeseen consequences.
  11. Networks are comprised of individuals who are involved in a multitude of activities, including social, political, monetary, religious, and personal. These human networks exist in every OE, and therefore network engagement activities will be conducted throughout all phases of the conflict continuum and across the range of operations.
  12. Networks, Links, and Identity Groups

All individuals are members of multiple, overlapping identity groups (see Figure III-3). These identity groups form links of affinity and shared understanding, which may be leveraged to form networks with shared purpose

Many threat networks rely on family and tribal bonds when recruiting for the network’s inner core. These members have been vetted for years and are almost impossible to turn. For analysts, identifying family and tribal affiliations assists in developing a targetable profile on key network personnel. Even criminal networks will tend to be densely populated by a small number of interrelated identity groups.

  1. Family Network. Some members or associates have familial bonds. These bonds may be cross-generational.
  2. Cultural Network. Network links can share affinities due to culture, which include language, religion, ideology, country of origin, and/or sense of identity. Networks may evolve over time from being culturally based to proximity based.
  3. Proximity Network. The network shares links due to geographical ties of its members (e.g., past bonding in correctional or other institutions or living within specific regions or neighborhoods). Members may also form a network with proximity to an area strategic to their criminal interests (e.g., a neighborhood or key border entry point). There may be a dominant ethnicity within the group, but they are primarily together for reasons other than family, culture, or ethnicity.
  4. Virtual Network. A network that may not physically meet but work together through the Internet or other means of communication, for legitimate or criminal purposes (e.g., online fraud, theft, or money laundering).
  5. Specialized Networks. Individuals in this network come together to undertake specific activities based on the skills, expertise, or particular capabilities they offer. This may include criminal activities.
  6. Types of Networks in an Operational Environment

There are three general types of networks found within an operational area: friendly, neutral, and hostile/threat networks. A network may also be in a state of transition and therefore difficult to classify.

  1. Threat networks

Threat networks may be formally intertwined or come together when mutually beneficial. This convergence (or nexus) between threat networks has greatly strengthened regional instability and allowed threats and alliances to increase their operational reach and power to global proportions.

  1. Identify a Threat Network

Threat networks often attempt to remain hidden. How can commanders determine not only which networks are within an operational area, but also which pose the greatest threat?

By understanding the basic, often masked sustainment functions of a given threat network, commanders may also identify individual networks within. For example, all networks require communications, resources, and people. By understanding the functions of a network, commanders can make educated assumptions as to their makeup and determine not only where they are, but also when and how to engage them. As previously stated, there are many neutral networks that are used by both friendly and threat forces; the difficult part is determining what networks are a threat and what networks are not. The “find” aspect of the find, fix, finish, exploit, analyze, and disseminate (F3EAD) targeting methodology is initially used to discover and identify networks within the OE. The F3EAD methodology is not only used for identifying specific actionable targets; it is also used to uncover the nature, functions, structures, and numbers of networks within the OE. A thorough JIPOE product, coupled with “on-the-ground” assessment, observation, and all-source intelligence collection, will ultimately lead to an understanding of the OE and will allow the commander to visualize the network.

CHAPTER IV

PLANNING TO COUNTER THREAT NETWORKS

  1. Joint Intelligence Preparation of the Operational Environment and Threat Networks
  2. A comprehensive, multidimensional assessment of the OE will assist commanders and staffs in uncovering threat network characteristics and activities, develop focused operations to attack vulnerabilities, better anticipate both the intended and unintended consequences of threat network activities and friendly countermeasures, and determine appropriate means to assess progress toward stated objectives.
  3. Joint force, component, and supporting commands and staffs use JIPOE products to prepare estimates used during mission analysis and selection of friendly courses of action (COAs). Commanders tailor the JIPOE analysis based on the mission. As previously discussed, the best COA may not be to destroy a threat’s entire network or cells; friendly or neutral populations may use the same network or cells, and to destroy it would have a negative effect.
  4. Understanding the Threat’s Network
  5. The threat has its own version of the OE that it seeks to shape to maintain support and attain its goals. In many instances, the challenge facing friendly forces is complicated by the simple fact that significant portions of a population might consider the threat as the “home team.” To neutralize or defeat a threat network, friendly forces must do more than understand how the threat network operates, its organization goals, and its place in the social order; they must also understand how the threat is shaping its environment to maintain popular support, recruit, and raise funds. The first step in understanding a network is to develop a network profile through analysis of a network’s critical factors.
  6. COG and Critical Factors Analysis (CFA). One of the most important tasks confronting the JFC and staff during planning is to identify and analyze the threat’s network, and in most cases the network’s critical factors (see Figure IV-1) and COGs.
  7. Network Function Template. Building a network function template is a method to organize known information about the network associated with structure and functions of the network. By developing a network function template, the information can be initially understood and then used to facilitate CFA. Building a network function template is not a requirement for conducting CFA, but helps the staff to visualize the interactions between functions and supporting structure within a network.
  8. Critical Factors Analysis
  9. CFA is an analytical framework to assist planners in analyzing and identifying a COG and to aid operational planning. The critical factors are the CCs, critical requirements (CRs), and CVs.

Key terminology for CFA includes:

(1) COG for network analysis is a conglomeration of tangible items and/or intangible factors that not only motivates individuals to join a network, but also promotes their will to act to achieve the network’s objectives and attain the desired end state. A COG for networks will often be difficult to target directly due to complexity and accessibility.

(2) CCs are the primary abilities essential to accomplishing the objective of the network within a given context. Analysis to identify CCs for a network is only possible with understanding the structure and functions of a network, which is supported by other network analysis methods.

(3) CRs are the essential conditions, resources, and means the network requires to perform the CC. These things are used or consumed to carry out action, enabling a CC to wholly function. Networks require resources to take action and function. These resources include personnel, equipment, money, and any other commodity that support the network’s CCs.

(4) CVs are CRs or components thereof that are deficient or vulnerable to neutralization, interdiction, or attack in a manner that achieves decisive results. A network’s CVs will change as networks adapt to conditions within the OE. Identification of CVs for a network should be considered during the targeting process, but may not necessarily be a focal point of operations without further analysis.

  1. Building a network function template involves several steps:

(1) Step 1: Identify the network’s desired end state. The network’s desired end state is associated with the catalyst that supported the formation of the network. The primary question that the staff needs to answer is what are the network’s goals? The following are examples of desired end states for various organizations:

(a) Replacing the government of country X with an Islamic caliphate.

(b) Liberating country X.
(c) Controlling the oil fields in region Y.
(d) Establishing regional hegemony.

(e) Imposing Sharia on village Z.

(f) Driving multinational forces out of the region.

 

(2) Step2: Identify possible ways or actions (COAs) that can attain the desired end state. This step refers to ways a network can take actions to attain their desired end state through their COAs. Similar in nature to how staffs analyze a conventional force to determine the likely COA that force will take, this must also be done for the networks that are selected for engagement. It is important to note that each network will have a variety of options available to them and their likely COA will be associated with the intent of the members of the network. Examples of ways for some networks may include:

(a) Conducting an insurgency operation or campaign. (b) Building PN capacity.
(c) Attacking with conventional military forces.
(d) Conducting acts of terrorism.

(e) Seizing the oil fields in Y.
(f) Destroying enemy forces.
(g) Defending village Z.
(h) Intimidating local leaders.
(i) Controlling smuggling routes.

(j) Bribing officials

 

(3) Step 3: Identify the functions that the network possesses to take actions. Using the network function template from previous analysis, the staff must refine this analysis to identify the functions within the network that could be used to support the potential ways or COAs for the network. The functions identified result in a list of CCs. Examples of items associated with the functions of a network that would support the example list of ways identified in the previous step are:

(a) Conducting an insurgency operation or campaign: insurgents are armed and can conduct attacks.

(b) Building PN capacity: forces and training capability available.

(c) Attacking with conventional military forces: military forces are at an operational level with C2 in place.

(d) Conducting acts of terrorism: network members possess the knowledge and assets to take action.

(e) Seizing the oil fields in Y: network possesses the capability to conduct coordinated attack.

(f) Destroying enemy forces: network has the assets to identify, locate, and destroy enemy personnel.

(g) Defending village Z: network possesses the capabilities and presence to conduct defense.

(h) Intimidating local leaders: network has freedom of maneuver and access to local leaders.

(i) Controlling smuggling routes: network’s sphere of influence and capabilities allow for control.

(j) Bribing officials: network has access to officials and resources to facilitate

bribes

(4) Step4:Listthemeansorresourcesavailableorneededforthenetworkto execute CCs. The purpose of this step is to determine the CRs for the network. Again, this is support from the initial analysis conducted for the network, network mapping, link analysis, SNA, and network function template. Based upon the CCs identified for the network, the staff must answer the question what resources must the network possess to employ the CCs identified? The list of CRs can be extensive, depending on the capability being analyzed. The following are examples of CRs that may be identified for a network:

(a) A group of foreign fighters.
(b) A large conventional military.
(c) A large conventional military formation (e.g., an armored corps). (d) IEDs.
(e) Local fighters.
(f) Arms and ammunition.
(g) Funds.
(h) Leadership.
(i) A local support network.

(5) Step 5: Correlate CCs and CRs to OE evaluation to identify critical variables.

(a) Understanding the CCs and CRs for various networks can be used alone in planning and targeting, but the potential to miss opportunities or accept additional risks are not understood until the staff relates these items to the analysis of the OE.

(b) A critical variable may be a CC, CR, or CV for multiple networks. Gaining an understanding of this will occur in the next step of CFA. The following are examples of critical variables that may be identified for networks:

  1. A group of foreign fighters is exposed for potential engagement.
  2. A large conventional military formation (e.g., an armored corps) is located and likely COA is identified.
  3. IED maker and resources are identified and can be neutralized. 4. Local fighters’ routes of travel and recruitment are identifiable. 5. Arms and ammunition sources of supply are identifiable.
    6. Funds are located and potential exists for seizure.
  4. Leadership is identified and accessible for engagement.
  5. A local support network is identified and understood through analysis.

(6) Step 6: Compare and contrast the CRs for each network analyzed. This step of CFA can only be accomplished after full network analysis has been completed for all selected networks within the OE. To compare and contrast, the information from the analysis of each network must be available. The intent of correlating the critical variables for each network allows for understanding:

(a) Potential desired first- and second-order effects of engagement.

(b) Potential undesired first- and second-order effects of engagement.

(c) Direct engagement opportunities.
(d) Indirect engagement opportunities.

(7) Step 7: Identify CVs for the network. Identifying CVs of a network is completed by analyzing each CR for the network with respect to criticality, accessibility, recuperability, and adaptability. This analysis is conducted from the perspective of the network with consideration of threats within the OE that may impact the network being

analyzed. Conducting the analysis from this perspective allows staffs to identify CVs for any type of network (friendly, neutral, or threat).

(a) Criticality. A CR that when engaged by a threat results in a degradation of the network’s structure, function or impact on its ability to sustain itself. Criticality considers the importance of the CR to the network and the following questions should be considered when conducting this analysis:

  1. What impact will removing the CR have on the structure of the network?
  2. What impact will removing the CR have on the functions of the network?
  3. What function is affected by engaging the CR?
    4. What effect does the CR have on other networks?
    5. Is the CR a CR for other networks? If so, which ones?
  4. How is the CR related to conditions of sustainment?

 

(b) Accessibility. A CR is accessible when capabilities of a threat to the network can be directly or indirectly employed to engage the CR. Accessibility of the CR in some cases is a limiting factor for the true vulnerability of a CR.

The following questions should be considered by the staff when analyzing a CR for accessibility:

  1. Where is the CR?
  2. Is the CR protected?
  3. Is the CR static or mobile?
  4. Who interacts with the CR? How often?
  5. Is the CR in the operational area of the threat to the network?
  6. Can the CR be engaged with threat capabilities?
  7. If the CR is inaccessible, are there alternative CRs that if engaged by a threat result in a similar effect on the network?

(c) Recuperability. The amount of time that the network needs to repair or replace a CR that is engaged by a threat capability. Analyzing the CR in regard to recuperability is associated to the network’s ability to regenerate when components of its structure have been removed or damaged. This plays a role in the adaptive nature of a network, but must not be confused with the last aspect of the analysis for CVs. The following questions should be considered by the staff when analyzing a CR for recuperability:

  1. If CR is removed:
    a. Can the CR be replaced?
  2. How long will it take to replace?
    c. Does the replacement fulfill the network’s structural and functional levels?
  3. Will the network need to make adjustments to implement the replacement for the CR?
  4. If CR is damaged:
    a. Can the CR be repaired?
    b. How long will it take to repair?
    c. Will the repaired CR return the network to its previous structural and functional levels?

(d) Adaptability. The ability of a network (with which the CR is associated) to change in response to conditions in the OE brought about by the actions of a threat taken against it, while maintaining its structure and function.

Adaptability considers the network’s ability to change or modify their functions, modify their catalyst, shift focus on potential receptive audience(s), or make any other changes to adapt to the conditions in the OE. The following questions should be considered by the staff when analyzing a CR for recuperability:

  1. Can the CR change its structure while maintaining its function?
  2. Is the CR tied to a CC that could cause it to adapt as a normal response to a change in a CC (whether due to hostile engagement or a natural change brought about by a friendly network’s adjustment to that CC)?
  3. Can the CR be changed to fulfill an emerging CC or function for the network?

 

  1. Visualizing Threat Networks
  2. Mapping the Network. Mapping threat networks starts by detailing the primary threats (e.g., terrorist group, drug cartel, money-laundering group). Mapping routinely starts with people and places and then adds functions, resources, and activities.

Mapping starts out as a simple link between two nodes and progresses to depict the organizational structure (see Figure IV-4). Individual network members themselves may not be aware of the organizational structure. It will be rare that enough intelligence and information is collected to portray an entire threat network and all its cells.

This will be a continuous process as the networks themselves transform and adapt to their environment and the joint force operations. To develop and employ theater-strategic options, the commander must understand the series of complex, interconnected relationships at work within the OE.

(1) Chain Network. The chain or line network is characterized by people, goods, or information moving along a line of separated contacts with end-to-end communication traveling through intermediate nodes.

(2) Star or Hub Network. The hub, star, or wheel network, as in a franchise or a cartel, is characterized by a set of actors tied to a central (but not hierarchical) node or actor that must communicate and coordinate with network members through the central node.

(3) All-Channel Network. The all-channel, or full-matrix network, is characterized by a collaborative network of groups where everybody connects to everyone else.

  1. Mapping Multiple Networks. Each network may be different in structure and purpose. Normally the network structure is fully mapped, and cells are shown as they relate to the larger network. It is time- and labor-intensive to map each network, so staffs should carefully consider the usefulness for how much time and effort they should allocate toward mapping the supporting networks and where to focus their efforts so that they are both providing a timely response and accurately identifying relationships and critical nodes significant for disruption efforts.
  2. Identify the Influencing Factors of the Network. Influencing factors of the network (or various networks) within an OE can be identified largely by the conditions created by the activities of the network. These conditions are what influence the behaviors, attitudes, and vulnerabilities of specific populations. Factors such as threat information activities (propaganda) may be one of the major influencers, but so are activities such as kidnapping, demanding protection payments, building places of worship, destroying historical sites, building schools, providing basic services, denying freedom of movement, harassment, illegal drug activities, prostitution, etc. To identify influencing factors, a proven method is to first look at the conditions of a specific population or group, determine how those conditions create/force behavior, and then determine the causes of the conditions. Once influence factors are identified, the next step is to determine if the conditions can be changed and/or if they cannot, determine if there is alternative, viable behavior available to the population or group.
  3. To produce a holistic view of threat, neutral, and friendly networks as a whole within a larger OE requires analysis to describe how these networks interrelate. Most important to this analysis is describing the relationships within and between the various networks that directly or indirectly affect the mission.
  4. Collaboration. Within most efforts to produce a comprehensive view of the networks, certain types of data or information may not be available to correctly explain or articulate with great detail the nature of relationships, capabilities, motives, vulnerabilities, or communications and movements. It is incumbent upon intelligence organizations to collaborate and share information, data, and analysis, and to work closely with interagency partners to respond to these intelligence gaps.
  5. Targeting Evaluation Criteria

Once the network is mapped, the JFC and staff identify network nodes and determine their suitability for targeting. A useful tool in determining a target’s suitability for attack is the criticality, accessibility, recuperability, vulnerability, effect, and recognizability (CARVER) analysis (see Figure IV-5). CARVER is a subjective and comparative system that weighs six target characteristic factors and ranks them for targeting and planning decisions. CARVER analysis can be used at all three levels of warfare: tactical, operational, and strategic. Once target evaluation criteria are established, target analysts use a numerical rating system (1 to 5) to rank the CARVER factors for each potential target. In a one to five numbering system, a score of five would indicate a very desirable rating while a score of one would reflect an undesirable rating.

A notional network-related CARVER analysis is provided in paragraph 6, “Notional Network Evaluation.” The CARVER method as it applies to networks provides a graph-based numeric model for determining the importance of engaging an identified target, using qualitative analysis, based on seven factors:

  1. Network Affiliations. Network affiliations identify each network of interest associated with the CR being evaluated. The importance of understanding the network affiliations for a potential target stems from the interrelationships between networks. Evaluating a potential target from the perspective of each affiliated network will provide the joint staff with potential second- and third-order effects on both the targeted threat networks and other interrelated networks within the OE.
  2. Criticality. Criticality is a CR that when engaged by a threat results in a degradation of the network’s structure, function, or impact on its ability to sustain itself. Evaluating the criticality of a potential target must be accomplished from the perspective of the target’s direct association or need for a specific network. Depending on the functions and structure of the network, a potential target’s criticality may differ between networks. Therefore, criticality must be evaluated and assigned a score for each network affiliation. If the analyst has completed CFA for the networks of interest, criticality should have been analyzed during the identification of CVs.
  3. Accessibility. A CR is accessible when capabilities of a threat to the network can be directly or indirectly employed to engage the CR. Inaccessible CRs may require alternate target(s) to produce desired effects. The accessibility of a potential target will remain the same, regardless of network affiliation. This element of CARVER does not require a separate evaluation of the potential target for each network. Much like criticality, accessibility will have been evaluated if the analyst has conducted CFA for the network as part of the analysis for the network.
  4. Recuperability. Recuperability is the amount of time that the network needs to repair or replace a CR that is engaged by a threat capability. Recuperability is analyzed during CFA to determine the vulnerability of a CR for the network. Since CARVER (network) is applied to evaluate the potential targets with each affiliated network, the evaluation for recuperability will differ for each network. What affects recuperability is the network’s function of regenerating members or replacing necessary assets with suitable substitutes.
  5. Vulnerability. A target is vulnerable if the operational element has the means and expertise to successfully attack the target. When determining the vulnerability of a target, the scale of the critical component needs to be compared with the capability of the attacking element to destroy or damage it. The evaluation of a potential target’s vulnerability is supported by the analysis conducted during CFA and can be used to complete this part of the CARVER (network) matrix. Vulnerability of a potential target will consist of only one value. Regardless of the network of affiliation, vulnerability is focused on evaluating available capabilities to effectively conduct actions on the target.
  6. Effect. This evaluates the potential effect on the structure, function, and sustainment of a network of engaging the CR as it relates to each affiliated network. The level of effect should consider both the first-order effect on the target itself, as well as the second-order effect on the structure and function of the network.
  7. Recognizability.RecognizabilityisthedegreetowhichaCRcanberecognizedby an operational element and/or intelligence collection under varying conditions. The recognizability of a potential target will remain the same, regardless of network of affiliation.
  8. Notional Network Evaluation
  9. The purpose of conventional target analysis (and the use of CARVER) is to determine enemy critical systems or subsystems to attack to progressively destroy or degrade the adversary’s warfighting capacity and will to fight.
  10. Using network analysis, a commander identifies the critical threat nodes operating within the OE. A CARVER analysis determines the feasibility of attacking each node (ideally simultaneously). While each CARVER value is subjective, detailed analysis allows planners to assign a realistic value.

The commander and the staff then look at other aspects of the network and, for example, determine whether they can disrupt the material needed for training, prevent the movement of trainees or trainers to the training location, or influence other groups to deny access to the area.

  1. The JFC and staff methodically analyze each identified network node and assign a numerical rating to each. In this notional example (see Figure IV-7), it is determined that the communications cells and those who finance threat operations provide the best targets to attack.
  2. Planning operations against threat networks does not differ from standard military planning. These operations still support the JFC’s broader mission and rarely stand alone. Identifying threat networks requires detailed analysis and consideration for second- and third-order effects. It is important to remember that the threat organization itself is the ultimate target and their networks are merely a means to achieve that. Neutralizing a given network may prove more beneficial to the JFC’s mission accomplishment than destroying a single multiuser network node. The most effective plans call for simultaneous operations against networks focused on multiple nodes and network functions.
  3. Countering Threat Networks Through the Planning of Phases

As previously discussed, commanders execute CTN activities across all levels of warfare.

Threat networks can be countered using a variety of approaches and means. Early in the operation or campaign, the concept of operations will be based on a synchronized and integrated international effort (USG, PNs, and HN) to ensure that conditions in the OE do not empower a threat network and to deny the network the resources it requires to expand its operations and influence. As the threat increases and conditions deteriorate, the plan will adjust to include a broader range of actions, and an increase in the level and focus of targeting of identified critical network nodes: people and activities. Constant pressure must be maintained on the network’s critical functions to deny them the initiative and disrupt their operating tempo.

Figure IV-8 depicts the notional operation plan phase construct for joint operations. Some phases may not be used during CTN activities.

  1. Shape (Phase 0)

(1) Unified action is the key to shaping the OE. The goal is to deny the threat network the resources needed to expand their operations and reduce it to a point where they no longer pose a direct threat to regional/local stability, while influencing the network to reduce or redirect its threatening objectives. Shaping operations against threat networks consist of efforts to influence their objectives, dissuade growth, state sponsorship, sanctuary, or access to resources through the unified efforts of interagency, regional, and international partners as well as HN civil authorities. Actions are taken to identify key elements in the OE that can be used to leverage support for the government or other friendly networks that must be controlled to deny the threat an operational advantage. The OE must be analyzed to identify support for the threat network, as well as that for the relevant friendly and neutral networks. Interagency/international partners help to identify the network’s key components, deny access to resources (usually external to the country), and persuade other actors (legitimate and illicit) to discontinue support for the threat. SIGINT, open-source intelligence (OSINT), and human intelligence (HUMINT) are the primary intelligence sources of actionable information. The legitimacy of the government must be reinforced in the operational area. Efforts to reinforce the government seek to identify the sources of friction within the society that can be reduced through government intervention.

Many phase I shaping activities need to be coordinated during phase 0 due to extensive legal and interagency requirements.

Due to competing resources and the potential lack of available IRCs, executing IO during phase 0 can be challenging. For this reason, consideration must be given on how IRCs can be integrated as part of the whole-of-government approach to effectively shape the information environment and to achieve the commander’s information objectives.

Shaping operations may also include security cooperation activities designed to strengthen PN or regional capabilities and capacity that contribute to greater stability. Shaping operations should focus on changing the conditions that foster the development of adversaries and threats.

(2) During phase 0 (shaping), the J-2’s threat network analysis initially provides a broad description of the structure of the underlying threat organization; identifies the critical functions, nodes, and the relationships between the threat’s activities and the greater society; and paints a picture of the “on-average” relationships.

Some of the CTN actions require long- term and sustained efforts, such as addressing recruitment in targeted communities through development programming. It is essential that the threat is decoupled from support within the affected societies. Critical elements in the threat’s operational networks must be identified and disrupted to affect their operating tempo. Even when forces are committed, the commander continues to shape the OE using various means to eliminate the threat and undertake actions, in cooperation with interagency and multinational partners, to reinforce the legitimate government in the eyes of the population.

(3) The J-2 seeks to identify and leverage information sources that can provide details on the threat network and its relationship to the regional/local political, economic, and social structures that can support and sustain it.

(4) Sharing information and intelligence with partners is paramount since collection, exploitation, and analysis against threat networks requires much greater time than against traditional military adversaries. Information sharing with partners must be balanced with operations security and cannot be done in every instance. Intelligence sharing between CCDRs across regional and functional seams provides a global picture of threat networks not bound by geography. Intelligence efforts within the shaping phase show threat network linkages in terms of leadership, organization, size, scope, logistics, financing, alliances with other networks, and membership.

  1. Deter (Phase I). The intent of this phase is to deter threat network action, formation, or growth by demonstrating partner, allied, multinational, and joint force capabilities and resolve. Many actions in the deter phase include security cooperation activities and IRCs and/or build on security cooperation activities from phase 0. Increased cooperation with partners and allies, multinational forces, interagency and interorganizational partners, international organizations, and NGOs assist in increasing information sharing and provide greater understanding of the nature, capabilities, and linkages of threat networks.

enhance deterrence through unified action by collaborating with all friendly elements and by creating a friendly network of organizations and people with far-reaching capabilities and the ability to respond with pressure at multiple points against the threat network.

Phase I begins with coordination activities to influence threat networks on multiple fronts.

Deterrent activities executed in phase I also prepare for phase II by conducting actions throughout the OE to isolate threat networks from sanctuary, resources, and information networks and increase their vulnerability to later joint force operations.

  1. Seize Initiative (Phase II). JFCs seek to seize the initiative through the application of joint force capabilities across multiple LOOs.

Destruction of a single node or cell might do little to impact network operations when assessed against the cost of operations and/or the potential for collateral damage.

As in traditional offensive operations against a traditional adversary, various operations create conditions for exploitation, pursuit, and ultimate destruction of those forces and their will to fight.

  1. Dominate (Phase III). The dominate phase against threat networks focuses on creating and maintaining overwhelming pressure against network leadership, finances, resources, narrative, supplies, and motivation. This multi-front pressure should include diplomatic and economic pressure at the strategic level and informational pressure at all levels.

They are then synchronized with military operations conducted throughout the OE and at all levels of warfare to achieve the same result as traditional operations, to shatter enemy cohesion and will. Operations against threat networks are characterized by dominating and controlling the OE through a combination of traditional warfare, irregular warfare, sustained employment of interagency capabilities, and IRCs.

  1. Stabilize (Phase IV). The stabilize phase is required when there is no fully functioning, legitimate civilian governing authority present or the threat networks have gained political control within a country or region. In cases where the threat network is government aligned, its defeat in phase III may leave that government intact, and stabilization or enablement of civil authority may not be required. After neutralizing or defeating the threat networks (which may have been functioning as a shadow government), the joint force may be required to unify the efforts of other supporting/contributing multinational, international organization, NGO, or USG department and agency participants into stability activities to provide local governance, until legitimate local entities are functioning.
  2. Enable Civil Authority (Phase V). This phase is predominantly characterized by joint force support to legitimate civil governance in the HN. Depending upon the level of HN capacity, joint force activities during phase V may be at the behest or direction of that authority. The goal is for the joint force to enable the viability of the civil authority and its provision of essential services to the largest number of people in the region. This includes coordinating joint force actions with supporting or supported multinational and HN agencies and continuing integrated finance operations and security cooperation activities to favorably influence the target population’s attitude regarding local civil authority’s objectives.

CHAPTER V

ACTIVITIES TO COUNTER THREAT NETWORKS

“Regional players almost always understand their neighborhood’s security challenges better than we do. To make capacity building more effective, we must leverage these countries’ unique skills and knowledge to our collect[ive] advantage.”

General Martin Dempsey, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff

Foreign Policy, 25 July 2014, The Bend of Power

 

  1. The Challenge

A threat network can be operating for years in the background and suddenly explode on the scene. Identifying and countering potential and actual threat networks is a complex challenge.

  1. Threat networks can take many forms and have many distinct participants from terrorists, to criminal organizations, to insurgents, locally or transnationally based…

Threat networks may leverage technologies, social media, global transportation and financial systems, and failing political systems to build a strong and highly redundant support system. Operating across a region provides the threat with a much broader array of resources, safe havens, and flexibility to react to attack and prosecute their attacks.

To counter a transnational threat, the US and its partners must pursue multinational cooperation and joint operations to achieve disruption and cooperate with HNs within a specified region in order to fully identify, describe, and mitigate via multilateral operations the transnational networks that threaten an entire region and not just individual HNs.

  1. Successfuloperationsarebasedontheabilityoffriendlyforcestodevelopandapply a detailed understanding of the structure and interactions of the OE to the planning and execution of a wide array of capabilities to reinforce the HN’s legitimacy and neutralize the threat’s ability to threaten that society.
  2. Targeting Threat Networks
  3. The commander and staff must understand the desired condition of the threat network as it relates to the commander’s objectives and desired end state as the first step of targeting any threat network.
  4. The military end state that is desired is directly related to conditions of the OE. Interrelated human networks comprise the human aspect of the OE, which includes the threat networks that are to be countered. The actual targeting of threat networks begins early in the planning process, since all actions taken must be supportive in achieving the commander’s objectives and attaining the end state. To feed the second phase of the targeting cycle, the threat network must be analyzed using network mapping, link analysis, SNA, CFA, and nodal analysis.
  5. The second phase of the joint targeting cycle is intended to begin the development of target lists for potential engagement. JIPOE is one of the critical inputs to support the development of these products, but must include a substantial amount of analysis on the threat network to adequately identify the critical nodes, CCs (network’s functions), and CRs for the network.

Similar to developing an assessment plan for operations as part of the planning process, the metrics for assessing networks must be developed early in the targeting cycle.

  1. Networks operate as integrated entities—the whole is greater than the sum of its parts. Identifying and targeting the network and its functional components requires patience. A network will go to great lengths to protect its critical components. However, the interrelated nature of network functions means that an attack on one node may have a ripple effect as the network reconstitutes.

Whenever a network reorganizes or adapts, it can expose a larger portion of its members (nodes), relationships (links), and activities. Intelligence collection should be positioned to exploit any effects from the targeting effort, which in turn must be continuous and multi-nodal.

  1. The analytical products for threat networks support the decision of targets to be added to or removed from the target list and specifics for the employment of capabilities against a target. The staff should consider the following questions when selecting targets to engage within a threat network:

(1) Who or what to target? Network analysis provides the commander and staff with the information to prioritize potential targets. Depending on the effect desired for a network, the selected node for targeting may be a person, key resource, or other physical object that is critical in producing a specific effect on the network.

(2) What are the effects desired on the target and network? Understanding the conditions in the OE and the future conditions desired to achieve objectives supports a decision on what type of effects are desired on the target and the threat network as a whole. The desired effects on the threat network should be aligned with the commander’s intent that support objectives or conditions of the threat network to meet a desired end state.

(3) How will those desired effects be produced? The array of lethal and nonlethal capabilities may be employed with the decision to engage a target, whether directly or indirectly. In addition to the ability to employ conventional weapons systems, staffs must consider nonlethal capabilities that are available.

  1. Desired Effects on Networks
  2. Damage effects on an enemy or adversary from lethal fires are classified as light, moderate, or severe. Network engagement takes into consideration the effects of both lethal and nonlethal capabilities.
  3. When commanders decide to generate an effect on a network through engaging specific nodes, the intent may not be to cause damage, but to shape conditions of a mental or moral nature. The intended result of shaping these conditions is to support achieving the commander’s objectives. The desired effects selected are the result of the commander’s vision on the future conditions for the threat networks and within the OE to achieve objectives.

Terms that are used to describe the desired effects of CTN include:

(1) Neutralize. Neutralize is a tactical mission task that results in rendering enemy personnel or materiel incapable of interfering with a particular operation. The threat network’s structure exists to facilitate its ability to perform functions that support achieving its objectives. Neutralization of an entire network may not be feasible, but through analysis, the staff has the ability to identify key parts of the threat network’s structure to target that will result in the neutralization of specific functions that may interfere with a particular operation.

(2) Degrade. To degrade is to reduce the effectiveness or efficiency of a threat. The effectiveness of a threat network is associated with its ability to function as desired to achieve the threat’s objectives. Countering the effectiveness of a network may be accomplished by eliminating CRs that the network requires to facilitate an identified CC, identified through the application of CFA for the network.

(3) Disrupt. Disrupt is a tactical mission task in which a commander integrates direct and indirect fires, terrain, and obstacles to upset an enemy’s formation or tempo, interrupt the enemy’s timetable, or cause enemy forces to commit prematurely or attack in a piecemeal fashion. From the perspective of disrupting a threat network, the staff should consider the type of operation being conducted, specific functions of the threat network, and conditions within the OE that can be leveraged and potential application of both lethal and nonlethal capabilities. Additionally, the staff should consider the potential impact and duration of time that disrupting the threat network will present in opportunities for friendly forces to exploit a potential opportunity. Should the disruption result in the elimination of key nodes from the network, the staff must also consider the network’s means and time necessary to reconstitute.

(4) Destroy. Destroy is a tactical mission task that physically renders an enemy force combat ineffective until it is reconstituted. Alternatively, to destroy a combat system is to damage it so badly that it cannot perform any function or be restored to a usable condition without being entirely rebuilt. Destroying a threat network that is adaptive and transnationally established is an extreme challenge that requires the full collaboration of DOD and intergovernmental agencies, as well as coordination with partnered nations. Isolated destruction of cells may be more plausible and could be accomplished with the comprehensive application of lethal and nonlethal capabilities. Detailed analysis of the cell is necessary to establish a baseline (pre-operation conditions) in order to assess if operations have resulted in the destruction of the selected portion of a network.

(5) Defeat. Defeat is a tactical mission task that occurs when a threat network or enemy force has temporarily or permanently lost the physical means or the will to fight. The defeated force’s commander or leader is unwilling or unable to pursue that individual’s adopted COA, thereby yielding to the friendly commander’s will, and can no longer interfere to a significant degree with the actions of friendly forces. Defeat can result from the use of force or the threat of its use. Defeat manifests itself in some sort of physical action, such as mass surrenders, abandonment of positions, equipment and supplies, or retrograde operations. A commander or leader can create different effects against an enemy to defeat that force.

(6) Deny. Deny is an action to hinder or deny the enemy the use of territory, personnel, or facilities to include destruction, removal, contamination, or erection of obstructions. An example of deny is to destroy the threat’s communications equipment as a means of denying his use of the electromagnetic spectrum. However, the duration of denial will depend on the enemy’s ability to reconstitute.

(7) Divert. To divert is to turn aside or from a path or COA. A diversion is the act of drawing the attention and forces of a threat from the point of the principal operation; an attack, alarm, or feint diverts attention. Diversion causes threat networks or enemy forces to consume resources or capabilities critical to threat operations in a way that is advantageous to friendly operations. Diversions draw the attention of threat networks or enemy forces away from critical friendly operations and prevent threat forces and their support resources from being employed for their intended purpose.

  1. Engagement Strategies
  2. Counter Resource. A counter-resource approach can progressively weaken the threat’s ability to conduct operations in the OE and require the network to seek a suitable substitute to replace eliminated or constrained resources. Like a military organization, a threat’s network or a threat’s organization is more than its C2 structure. It must have an assured supply of recruits, food, weapons, and transportation to maintain its position and grow. While the leadership provides guidance to the network, it is the financial and logistical infrastructure that sustains the network. Most threat networks are transnational in nature, drawing financial support, material support, and recruits from a worldwide audience.
  3. Decapitation. Decapitation is the removal of key nodes within the network that are functioning as leaders. Targeting leadership is designed to impact the C2 of the network. Detailed analysis of the network may provide the staff with an indication of how long the network will require to replace leadership once they are removed from the network. From a historical perspective, the removal of a single leader from an adaptive human network has resulted in short-term effects on the network.

When targeting the nodes, links, and activities of threat networks, the JFC should consider the second- and third-order effects on friendly and neutral groups that share network and cell functions. Additionally, the ripple effects throughout the network and its cells should be considered.

  1. Fragmentation. A fragmentation strategy is the surgical removal of key nodes of the network that produces a fragmented effect on the network with the intent to disrupt the network’s ability to function. Although fragmenting the network will result in immediate effects, the staff must consider when this type of strategy is appropriate. Elimination of nodes within the network may have impacts on collection efforts, depending on the node being targeted.
  2. Counter-Messaging. Threat networks form around some type of catalyst that motivates individuals from a receptive audience to join a network. The challenging aspect of a catalyst is that individuals will interpret and relate to it in their own manner. There may be some trends among members of the network that relate to the catalyst in a similar manner; this perspective is not accurate for all members of the network. Threat networks have embraced the ability to project their own messages using a number of social media sites. These messages support their objectives and are used as a recruiting tool for new members. Countering the threat network’s messages is one aspect of countering a threat network.
  3. Targeting
  4. At the tactical level, the focus is on executing operations targeting nodes and links. Accurate, timely, and relevant intelligence supports this effort. Tactical units use this intelligence along with their procedures to conduct further analysis, template, and target networks.
  5. Targeting of threat network CVs is driven by the situation, the accuracy of intelligence, and the ability of the joint force to quickly execute various targeting options to create the desired effects. In COIN operations, high-priority targets may be individuals who perform tasks that are vulnerable to detection/exploitation and impact more than one CR.

Timing is everything when attacking a network, as opportunities for attacking identified CVs may be limited.

  1. CTN targets can be characterized as targets that must be engaged immediately because of the significant threat they represent or the immediate impact they will make related to the JFC’s intent, key nodes such as high-value individuals, or longer-term network infrastructure targets (caches, supply routes, safe houses) that are normally left in place for a period of time to exploit them. Resources to service/exploit these targets are allocated in accordance with the JFC’s priorities, which are constantly reviewed and updated through the command’s joint targeting process.

(1) Dynamic Targeting. A time-sensitive targeting cell consisting of operations and intelligence personnel with direct access to engagement means and the authority to act on pre-approved targets is an essential part of any network targeting effort. Dynamic targeting facilitates the engagement of targets that have been identified too late or not selected in time to be included in deliberate targeting and that meet criteria specific to achieving the stated objectives.

(2) Deliberate Targeting. The joint fires cell is tasked to look at an extended timeline for threats and the overall working of threat networks. With this type of deliberate investigation into threat networks, the cell can identify catalysts to the threat network’s operations and sustainment that had not traditionally been targeted on a large scale.

  1. The joint targeting cycle supports the development and prosecution of threat networks. Land and maritime force commanders normally use an interrelated process to enhance joint fire support planning and interface with the joint targeting cycle known as the decide, detect, deliver, and assess (D3A) methodology. D3A incorporates the same fundamental functions of the joint targeting cycle as the find, fix, track, target, engage, and assess (F2T2EA) process and functions within phase 5 of the joint targeting cycle. The D3A methodology facilitates synchronizing maneuver, intelligence, and fire support. The F2T2EA and F3EAD methodologies support dynamic targeting. While the F3EAD model was developed for personality-based targeting, it can only be applied once the JFC has approved the joint integrated prioritized target list. Depending on the situation, multiple methodologies may be required to create the desired effect.
  2. F3EAD. F3EAD facilitates the targeting not only of individuals when timing is crucial, but also more importantly the generation of follow-on targets through timely exploitation and analysis. F3EAD facilitates synergy between operations and intelligence as it refines the targeting process. It is a continuous cycle in which intelligence and operations feed and support each other. It assists to:

(1) Analyze the threat network’s ideology, methodology, and capabilities; helps template its inner workings: personnel, organization, and activities.

(2) Identify the links between enemy CCs and CRs and observable indicators of enemy action.

(3) Focus and prioritize dedicated intelligence collection assets.

(4) Provide the resulting intelligence and products to elements capable of rapidly conducting multiple, near-simultaneous attacks against the CVs.

(5) Provide an ability to visualize the OE and array and synchronize forces and capabilities.

  1. The F3EAD process is optimized to facilitate targeting of key nodes and links tier I (enemy top-level leadership, for example) and tier II (enemy intermediaries who interact with the leaders and establish links with facilitators within the population). Tier III individuals (the low-skilled foot soldiers who are part of the threat) may be easy to reach and provide an immediate result but are a distraction to success because they are easy to replace and their elimination is only a temporary inconvenience to the enemy. F3EAD can be used for any network function that is a time-sensitive target.
  2. The F3EAD process relies on the close coordination between operational planners and intelligence collection and tactical execution. Tactical forces should be augmented by a wide array of specialists to facilitate on-site exploitation and possible follow-on operations. Exploitation of captured materials and personnel will normally involve functional specialists from higher and even national resources. The goal is to quickly conduct exploitation and facilitate follow-on targeting of the network’s critical nodes.
  3. Targeting Considerations
  4. There is no hard-and-fast rule for allocating network targets by echelon. The primary consideration is how to create the desired effect against the network as a whole.

Generally network targets fall into one of three categories: individual targets, group targets, and organizational targets.

  1. Anobjectiveofnetworktargetingmaybetodenythethreatitsfreedomofactionand maneuver by maintaining constant pressure through unpredictable actions against the network’s leadership and critical functional nodes. It is based on selecting the right means or combination thereof to neutralize the target while minimizing collateral effects.
  2. While material targets can be disabled, denied, destroyed, or captured, humans and their interrelationships or links are open to a broader range of engagement options by friendly forces. For example, when the objective is to neutralize the influence of a specific group, it may require a combination of tasks to create the desired effect.
  3. Lines of Effort by Phase
  4. Targeting is a continuous and evolving process. As the threat adjusts to joint force activities, joint force intelligence collection and targeting must also adjust. Employing a counter-resource (logistical, financial, and recruiting) approach should increase the amount of time it will take for the organization to regroup. It may also force the threat to employ its hidden resources to fill the gaps, thus increasing the risk of detection and exploitation. During each phase of an operation or campaign against a threat network, there are specific actions that the JFC can take to facilitate countering threats network (see Figure V-6). However, these actions are not unique to any particular phase, and must be adapted to the specific requirements of the mission and the OE. The simplified model in Figure V-6 is illustrative rather than a list of specific planning steps.
  5. During phase 0, analysis provides a broad description of the structure of the underlying threat organization, identifies the critical functions and nodes, and identifies the relationships between the threat’s activities and the greater society.

These forces provide a foundation of information about the region to include very specific information that falls into the categories of PMESII. Actions against the network may include targeting of the threat’s transnational resources (money, supply, safe havens, recruiting); identifying key leadership; providing resources to facilitate PNs and regional efforts; shaping international and national populations’ opinions of friendly, neutral, and threat groups; and isolating the threat from transnational allies.

  1. During phase I, CTN activities seek to provide a more complete picture of the conditions in the OE. Forces already employed in theater may be leveraged as sources of information to help build a more detailed picture. New objectives may emerge as part of phase I, and forces deployed to help achieve those objectives contribute to the developing common operational picture. A network analysis is conducted to identify a target array that will keep the threat network off balance through multi-nodal attack operations.
  2. During phase II, CTN activities concentrate on developing previously identified targets, position intelligence collection to exploit effects, and continue to refine the description of the threat and its supporting network.
  3. During phase III, CTN activities are characterized by increased physical contact and a sizable ramp-up in a variety of intelligence and information collection assets. The focus is on identifying, exploiting, and targeting the clandestine core of the network. Intelligence collection assets and specialized analytical capabilities provide around the clock support to committed forces. Actions against the network continue and feature a ramp-up in resource denial; key leaders and activities are targeted for elimination; and constant multi-nodal pressure is maintained. Activities continue to convince neutral networks of the benefits of supporting the government and dissuade threat sympathizers from providing continued support to threat networks. Ultimately, the network is isolated from support and its ability to conduct operations is severely diminished.
  4. During phase IV, CTN activities focus on identifying, exploiting, and targeting the clandestine core of the network for elimination. Intelligence collection assets and specialized analytical capabilities continue to provide support to committed forces; the goal is to prevent the threat from recovering and regrouping.
  5. During phase V, CTN activities continue to identify, exploit, and target the clandestine core of the network for elimination and to identify the threat network’s attempts to regroup and reestablish control.
  6. Theater Concerns in Countering Threat Networks
  7. Many threat networks are transnational, recruiting, financing, and operating on a global basis. These organizations cooperate on a global basis when necessary to further their respective goals.
  8. In developing their CCMD campaign plans, CCDRs need to be aware of the complex relationships that characterize networks and leverage whole-of-government resources to identify and analyze networks to include their relationships with or part of known friendly, neutral, or threat networks. Militaries are interested in the activities of criminal organizations because these organizations provide material support to insurgent and terrorist organizations that also conduct criminal activities (e.g., kidnapping, smuggling, extortion). By tracking criminal organizations, the military may identify linkages (material and financial) to the threat network, which in turn might become a target.
  9. Countering Threat Networks Through Military Operations and Activities

Some threat networks may prefer to avoid direct confrontation with law enforcement and military forces. Activities associated with military operations at any level of conflict can have a direct or indirect impact on threats and their supporting networks.

  1. Operational Approaches to Countering Threat Networks
  2. There are many ways to integrate CTN into the overall plan. In some operations, the threat network will be the primary focus of the operation. In others, a balanced approach through multiple LOOs and LOEs may be necessary, ensuring that civilian concerns are met while protecting them from the threat networks’ operators.

In all CTN activities, lethal actions directed against the network should also be combined with nonlethal actions to support the legitimate government and persuade neutrals to reject the adversary.

 

  1. Effective CTN takes a deep understanding of the interrelationships between all the networks within an operational area, determining the desired effect(s) against each network, and nodes, and gathering and leveraging all available resources and capabilities to execute operations.

A CHANGING ENVIRONMENT—THE CONVERGENCE OF THREAT NETWORKS

Transnational organized crime penetration of states is deepening, leading to co-option of government officers in some nations and weakening of governance in many others. Transnational organized crime networks insinuate themselves into the political process through bribery and in some cases have become alternate providers of governance, security, and livelihoods to win popular support.

In fiscal year 2010, 29 of the 63 top drug trafficking organizations identified by the Department of Justice had links to terrorist organizations. While many terrorist links to transnational organized crime are opportunistic, this nexus is dangerous, especially if it leads a transnational organized crime network to facilitate the transfer of weapons of mass destruction transportation of nefarious actors or materials into the US.

CHAPTER VI

ASSESSMENTS

Commanders and their staffs will conduct assessments to determine the impact CTN activities may have on the targeted networks. Other networks, including friendly and neutral networks, within the OE must also be considered during planning, operations, and assessments.

Threat networks will adapt visibly and invisibly even as collection, analysis, and assessments are being conducted, which is why assessments over time that show trends are much more valuable in CTN activities than a single snapshot over a short time frame.

  1. Complex Operational Environments

Complex geopolitical environments, difficult causal associations, and the challenge of both quantitative and qualitative analysis to support decision making all complicate the assessment process. When only partially visible threat networks are spread over large geographic areas, among the people, and are woven into friendly and neutral networks, assessing the effects of joint force operations requires as much operational art as the planning process.

  1. Assessment of Operations to Counter Threat Networks
  2. CTN assessments at the strategic, operational, and tactical levels and across the instruments of national power are vital since many networks have regional and international linkages as well as capabilities. Objectives must be developed during the planning process so that progress toward objectives can be assessed.

Dynamic interaction among friendly, threat, and neutral networks makes assessing many aspects of CTN activities difficult. As planners assess complex human behaviors, they draw on multiple sources across the OE, including analytical and subjective measures, which support an informed assessment.

  1. Real-time network change detection is extremely challenging, and conclusions with high levels of confidence are rare. Since threat networks are rapidly adaptable, technological

systems used to support collection often struggle at monitoring change. Additionally, the large amounts of information collected require resources (people) and time for analysis. It is difficult to determine how networks change, and even more challenging to determine whether network changes are the result of joint force actions and, if so, which actions or combined actions are effective. A helpful indicator used in assessment comes when threat networks leverage social networks to coordinate and conduct operations, as it provides an opportunity to gain a greater understanding of the motivation and ideology of these networks. If intelligence analysts can tap into near real-time information from threat network entities, then that information can often be geospatially fused to create a better assessment. This is dependent on having access to accurate network data, the ability to analyze the data quickly, and the ability to detect deception.

  1. CTN assessments require staffs to conduct analysis more intuitively and consider both anecdotal and circumstantial evidence. Since networked threats operate among civilian populations, there is a greater need for HUMINT. Collection of HUMINT is time-consuming and reliability of sources can be problematic, but if employed properly and cross-cued with other disciplines, it is extremely valuable in irregular warfare. Tactical unit reporting such as patrol debriefs and unit after action reports when assimilated across an OE may provide the most valuable information on assessing the impact of operations.

OSINT will often be more valuable in assessing operations against threat networks and be the single greatest source of intelligence.

  1. Operation Assessment
  2. Theassessmentprocessisacontinuouscyclethatseekstoobserveandevaluatethe ever-changing OE and inform decisions about the future, making operations more effective. Base-lining is critical in phase 0 and the initial JIPOE process for assessments to be effective.

Assessments feed back into the JIPOE process to maintain tempo in the commander’s decision cycle. This is a continuous process, and the baseline resets for each cycle. Change is constant within the complex OE and when operating against multiple, adaptive, interconnected threat networks.

  1. Commanders establish priorities for assessment through their planning guidance, commander’s critical information requirements (CCIRs), and decision points. Priority intelligence requirements, a component of CCIR, detail exactly what data the intelligence collection plan should be seeking to inform the commander regarding threat networks.

CTN activities may require assessing multiple MOEs and measures of performance (MOPs), depending on threat network activity. As an example, JFCs may choose to neutralize or disrupt one type of network while conducting direct operations against another network to destroy it.

  1. Assessment precedes and guides every operation process activity and concludes each operation or phase of an operation. Like any cycle, assessment is continuous. The assessment process is not an end unto itself; it exists to inform the commander and improve the operation’s progress
  2. Integrated successfully, assessment in CTN activities will:

(1) Depict progress toward achieving the commander’s objectives and attaining the commander’s end state.

(2) Help in understanding how the OE is changing due to the impact of CTN activities on threat network structures and functions.

(3) Informthecommander’sdecisionmakingforoperationaldesignandplanning, prioritization, resource allocation, and execution.

(4) Produce actionable recommendations that inform the commander where to devote resources along the most effective LOOs and LOEs.

  1. Assessment Framework for Countering Threat Networks

The assessment framework broadly outlines three primary activities: organize, analyze, and communicate.

Multi-Service Tactics, Techniques, and Procedures for Operation Assessment

  1. Organize the Data

(1) Based on the OE and the operation plan or campaign plan, the commander and staff develop objectives and assessment criteria to determine progress. The organize activity includes ensuring the indicators are included within the collection plan, information collected and then analyzed by the intelligence section is organized using an information management plan, and that information is readily available to the staff to conduct the assessment. Multiple threat networks within an OE may require multiple MOPs, MOEs, metrics, and branches to the plan. Threat networks operating collaboratively or against each other complicate the assessment process. If threat networks conduct operations or draw resources from outside the operational area, there will be a greater reliance on other CCDRs or interagency partners for data and information.

Within the context of countering threat networks, example objective, measures of effectiveness (MOEs), and indicators could be:

Objective: Threat network resupply operations in “specific geographic area” are disrupted.

MOE: Suppliers to threat networks cease providing support. Indicator 1: Fewer trucks leaving supply depots.

Indicator 2: Guerrillas/terrorists change the number of engagements or length of engagement times to conserve resources.

Indicator 3: Increased threat network raids on sites containing resources they require (grocery stores, lumber yards, etc.)

(2) Metrics must be collectable, relevant, measurable, timely, and complementary. The process uses assessment criteria to evaluate task performance at all levels of warfare to determine progress of operations toward achieving objectives. Both qualitative and quantitative analyses are required. With threat networks, direct impacts alone may not be enough, requiring indirect impacts for a holistic assessment. Operations against a network’s financial resources may be best judged by analyzing the quality of equipment that they are able to deploy in the OE.

  1. Analyze the Data

(1) Analyzing data is the heart of the assessment process for CTN activities. Baselining is critical to support analysis. Baselining should not only be rooted in the initial JIPOE, but should go back to GCC theater intelligence collection and shaping operations. Understanding how threat networks formed and adapted prior to joint force operations provides assessors a significantly better baseline and assists in developing indicators.

(2) Data analysis seeks to answer essential questions:

(a) What happened to the threat network(s) as a result of joint force operations? Specific examples may include the following: How have links changed? How have nodes been affected? How have relationships changed? What was the impact on structure and functions? Specifically, what was the impact on operations, logistics, recruiting, financing, and propaganda?

(b) What operations caused this effect directly or indirectly? (Why did it happen?) It is likely that multiple instruments of national power efforts across several LOOs and LOEs impacted the threat network(s), and it is equally unlikely that a direct cause and effect is discernible.

Analysts must be aware of the danger of searching for a trend that may not be evident. Events may sometimes have dramatic effects on threat networks, but not be visible to outside/foreign/US observers.

(c) Whatarethelikelyfutureopportunitiestocounterthethreatnetworkand what are the risks to neutral and friendly networks? CTN activities should target CVs. Interdiction operations, for example, may create future opportunities to disrupt finances. Cyberspace operations may target Internet propaganda and create opportunities to reduce the appeal of threat networks to neutral populations.

(d) What needs to be done to apply pressure at multiple points across the instruments of national power (diplomatic, informational, military, and economic) to the targeted threat networks to attain the JFC’s desired military end state?

(3) Military units find stability tasks to be the most challenging to analyze since they are conducted among a civilian population. Adding a social dynamic complicates use of mathematical and deterministic formulas when human nature and social interactions play a major part in the OE. Overlaps between threat networks and neutral networks, such as the civilian population, complicate assessments and the second- and third-order effects analysis.

(4) The proximate cause of effects in complex situations can be difficult to determine. Even direct effects in these situations can be more difficult to create, predict, and measure, particularly when they relate to moral and cognitive issues (such as religion and the “mind of the adversary,” respectively). Indirect effects in these situations often are difficult to foresee. Indirect effects often can be unintended and undesired since there will always be gaps in our understanding of the OE. Unpredictable third-party actions, unintended consequences of friendly operations, subordinate initiative and creativity, and the fog and friction of conflict will contribute to an uncertain OE. Simply determining undesired effects on threat networks requires a greater degree of critical thinking and qualitative analysis than traditional operations. Undesired effects on neutral and friendly networks cannot be ignored.

(5) Statistical analysis is necessary and allows large volumes of data to be analyzed, but critical thinking must precede its use and qualitative analysis must accompany any conclusions. SNA is a form of statistical analysis on human networks that has proven to be a particularly valuable tool in understanding network dynamics and in showing network changes over time but it must be complemented by other types of analysis and traditional intelligence analysis. It can support the JIPOE process as well as the planning, targeting, and assessment processes. SNA requires significant data collection and since threat networks are difficult to collect on and may adapt unseen, it must be used in conjunction with other tools.

  1. Communicate the Assessment

(1) The assessment of CTN activities is only valuable to the commander and other participants if it is effectively communicated in a format that allows for rapid changes to LOOs/LOEs and operational and tactical actions for CTN activities.

(2) Communicating the CTN assessment clearly and concisely with sufficient information to support the staff’s recommendations, but not too much trivial detail, is challenging.

(3) Well-designed CTN assessment products show changes in indicators describing the OE and the performance of organizations as it related to CTN activities.

 

APPENDIX A

DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE COUNTER THREAT FINANCE 1. Introduction

  1. JFCs face adaptive networked threats that rapidly adjust their operations to offset friendly force advantages and pose a wide array of challenges across the range of military operations.

CTN activities are a focused approach to understanding and operating against adaptive network threats such as terrorism, insurgency and organized crime. CTF refers to the activities and actions taken by the JFC to deny, disrupt, destroy, or defeat the generation, storage, movement, and use of assets to fund activities that support a threat network’s ability to negatively affect the JFC’s ability to attain the desired end state. Disrupting threat network finances decreases the threat network’s ability to achieve their objectives. That can range from sophisticated communications systems to support international propaganda programs, to structures to facilitate obtaining funding from foreign based sources, to foreign based cell support, to more local objectives to pay, train, arm, feed, and equip fighters. Disrupting threat network finances decreases their ability to conduct operations that threaten US personnel, interests, and national security.

  1. CTF activities against threat networks should be conducted with an understanding of the OE, in support of the JFC’s objectives, and nested with other counter threat network operations, actions, and activities. CTF activities cause the threat network to adjust its financial operations by disrupting or degrading its methods, routes, movement, and source of revenue. Understanding that financial elements are present at all levels of a threat network, CTF activities should be considered when developing MOEs during planning with the intent of forecasting potential secondary and tertiary effects.
  2. Effective CTF operations depend on developing an understanding of the functional organization of the threat network, the threat network’s financial capabilities, methods of operation, methods of communication, and operational areas, and upon detecting how revenue is raised, moved, stored, and used.
  3. Key Elements of Threat Finance
  4. Threatfinanceisthemannerinwhichadversarialgroupsraise,move,store,anduse funds to support their activities. Following the money and analyzing threat finance networks is important to:

(1) Identify facilitators and gatekeepers.
(2) Estimate threat networks’ scope of funding.
(3) Identify modus operandi.
(4) Understand the links between financial networks.
(5) Determine geographic movement and location of financial networks.

(6) Capture and prosecute members of threat networks.

  1. Raising Money. Fund-raising through licit and illicit channels is the first step in being able to carry out or support operations. This includes raising funds to pay for such mundane items as food, lodging, transportation, training, and propaganda. Raising money can involve network activity across local and international levels. It is useful to look at each source of funding as separate nodes that fit into a much larger financial network. That network will have licit and illicit components.

(1) Funds can be raised through illicit means, such as drug and human trafficking, arms trading, smuggling, kidnapping, robbery, and arson.

(2) Alternatively, funds can be raised through ostensibly legal channels. Threat networks can receive funds from legitimate humanitarian and business organizations and individual donations.

(3) Legitimate funds are coming led with illicit funds destined for threat networks, making it extremely difficult for governments to track threat finances in the formal financial system. Such transactions are perfectly legal until they can be linked to a criminal or terrorist act. Therefore, these transactions are extremely hard to detect in the absence of other indicators or through the identification of the persons involved.

  1. Moving Money. Moving money is one of the most vulnerable aspects of the threat finance process. To make the illicit money usable to threat networks it must be laundered. This can be done through the use of front companies, legitimate businesses, cash couriers, or third parties that may be willing to take on the risks in exchange for a cut of the profits. These steps are called “placement” and “layering.”

(1) During the placement stage, the acquired funds or assets are placed into a local, national, or international financial system for future use. This is necessary if the generated funds or assets are not in a form useable by their recipient, e.g., converting cash to wire transfers or checks.

(2) During the layering stage, numerous transactions are conducted with the assets or proceeds to create distance between the origination of the funds or assets and their eventual destination. Distance is created by moving money through several accounts, businesses or people, or by repeatedly converting the money or asset into a different form.

  1. Storing Money. Money or goods that have successfully been moved to a location that can be accessed by the threat network may need to be stored until it is ready to be spent.
  2. Using Money. Once a threat network has raised, moved, and stored their money, they are able to spend it. This is called “integration.” Roughly half of the money that was initially raised will go to operational expenses and the cost of laundering the money to convert it to useable funds. During integration, the funds or assets are placed at the disposal of the threat network for their utilization or re-investment into other licit and illicit operations.
  3. Planning Considerations
  4. CTF requires the integration of the efforts of disparate organizations in a whole-of- government approach in a complex environment. Joint operation/campaign plans and operation orders should be crafted to recognize that the core competencies of various agencies and military activities are coordinated and resources integrated, when and where appropriate, with those of others to achieve the operational objectives.
  5. The JFC and staff need to understand the impact that changes to the OE will have on CTF activities. The adaptive nature of threat networks will force changes to the network’s business practices and operations based on the actions of friendly networks within the OE. This understanding can lead to the creation of a more comprehensive, feasible, and achievable plan.
  6. CTF planning will identify the organizations and entities that will be required to conduct CTF action and activities.
  7. Intelligence Support Requirements
  8. CTF activities require detailed, timely, and accurate intelligence of threat networks’ financial activities to inform planning and decision making. Analysts can present the JFC with a reasonably accurate scope of the threat network’s financial capabilities and impact probabilities if they have a thorough understanding of the threat network’s financial requirements and what the threat network is doing to meet those requirements.
  9. JFCs should identify intelligence requirements for threat finance-related activities to establish collection priorities prior to the onset of operations.
  10. Intelligence support can focus on following the money by tracking the generation, storage, movement, and use of funds, which may provide additional insight into threat network leadership activities and other critical components of the threat network’s financial business practices. Trusted individuals or facilitators within the network often handle the management of financial resources. These individuals and their activities may lead to the identification of CVs within the network and decisive points for the JFC to target the network.
  11. Operation
  12. DOD may not always be the lead agency for CTF. Frequently the efforts and products of CTF analysis will be used to support criminal investigations or regulatory sanction activities, either by the USG or one of its partners. This can prove advantageous as contributions from other components can expand and enhance an understanding of threat financial networks. Threat finance activities can have global reach and are generally not geographically constrained. At times much of the threat finance network, including potentially key nodes, may extend beyond the JFC’s operational area.
  13. Military support to CTF is not a distinct type of military operation; rather it represents military activities against a specific network capability of business and financial processes used by an adversary network.

(1) Major Operations. CTF can reduce or eliminate the adversary’s operational capability by reducing or eliminating their ability to pay troops and procure weapons, supplies, intelligence, recruitment, and propaganda capabilities.

(2) Arms Control and Disarmament. CTF can be used to disrupt the financing of trafficking in small arms, IED or WMD proliferation and procurement, research to develop more lethal or destructive weapons, hiring technical expertise, or providing physical and operational security.

(6) DOD Support to CD Operations. The US military may conduct training of PN/HN security and law enforcement forces, assist in the gathering of intelligence, and participate in the targeting and interception of drug shipments. Disrupting the flow of drug profits via C

(7) Enforcement of Sanctions. CTF encompasses all forms of value transfer to the adversary, not just currency. DOD organizations can provide assistance to organizations that are interdicting the movement of goods and/or any associated value remittance as a means to enforce sanctions.

(8) COIN. CTF can be used to counter, disrupt, or interdict the flow of value to an insurgency. Additionally, CTF can be used against corruption, as well as drug and other criminal revenue-generating activities that fund or fuel insurgencies and undermine the legitimacy of the HN government. In such cases, CTF is aimed at insurgent organizations as well as other malevolent actors in the environment.

(9) Peace Operations. In peace operations, CTF can be used to stem the flow of external sources of support to conflicts to contain and reduce the conflict.

  1. Military support tasks to CTF can fall into four broad categories:

(1) Support civil agency and HN activities (including law enforcement):

(a) Provide Protection. US military forces may provide overwatch for law enforcement or PN/HN military CTF activities.

(b) Provide Logistics. US military forces may provide transportation, especially tactical movement-to-objective support, to law enforcement or PN/HN military CTF activities.

(c) Provide Command, Control, and Communications Support. US military forces may provide information technology and communications support to civilian agencies or PN/HN CTF personnel. This support may include provision of hardware and software, encryption, bandwidth, configuration support, networking, and account administration and cybersecurity.

(2) Direct military actions:

(a) Capture/Kill. US military forces may, with the support of mission partners as necessary, conduct operations to capture or kill key members of the threat finance network.

(b) Interdiction of Value Transfers. US military forces may, with the support of mission partners, conduct operations to interdict value transfers to the threat network as necessary. This may be a raid to seize cash from an adversary safe house, foreign exchange house, hawala or other type of informal remittance systems; seizure of electronic media including mobile banking systems commonly known as “red sims” and computer systems that contain data support payment and communication data in the form of cryptocurrency or exchanges in the virtual environment; interdiction to stop the smuggling of

goods used in trade-based money laundering; or command and control flights to provide aerial surveillance of drug-smuggling aircraft in support of law enforcement interdiction.

(c) Training HN/PN Forces. US military forces may provide training to PN/HN CTF personnel under specific authorities.

(3) Intelligence Collection. US military forces may conduct all-source intelligence operations, which will deal primarily with the collection, exploitation, analysis, and reporting of CTF information. These operations may involve deploying intelligence personnel to collect HUMINT and the operations of ships at sea and forces ashore to collect SIGINT, OSINT, and GEOINT.

(4) Operations to Generate Information and Intelligence. Occasionally, US military forces may conduct operations either with SOF or conventional forces designed to provoke a response by the adversary’s threat finance network for the purpose of collecting information or intelligence on that network. These operations are pre-planned and carefully coordinated with the intelligence community to ensure the synchronization and posture of the collection assets as well as the operational forces.

  1. Threat Finance Cells

(1) Threatfinancecellscanbeestablishedatanylevelbasedonavailablepersonnel resources. Expertise on adversary financial activities can be provided through the creation of threat finance cells at brigade headquarters and higher. The threat finance cell would include a mix of analysts and subject matter experts on law enforcement, regulatory matters, and financial institutions that would be drawn from DOD and civil USG agency resources. The threat finance cell’s responsibilities vary by echelon. At division and brigade, the threat finance cell:

(a) Provides threat finance expertise and advice to the commander and staff.

(b) Assiststheintelligencestaffinthedevelopmentofintelligencecollection priorities focused on adversary financial and support systems that terminate in the unit’s operational area.

(c) Consolidatesinformationonpersonsprovidingdirectorindirectfinancial, material and logistics support to adversary organizations in the unit’s operational area.

(d) Provides information concerning adversary exploitation of US resources such as transportation, logistical, and construction contractors working in support of US facilities; exploitation of NGO resources; and exploitation of supporting HN personnel.

(e) Identifies adversary organizations coordinating or cooperating with local criminals, organized crime, or drug trafficking organizations.

(f) Providesassessmentsoftheadversary’sfinancialviability¾abilitytofund, maintain, and grow operations¾and the implications for friendly operations.

(g) Developstargetingpackagerecommendationsforadversaryfinancialand logistics support persons for engagement by lethal and nonlethal means.

(h) Notifies commanders when there are changes in the financial or support operations of the adversary organization, which could indicate changes in adversary operating tempo or support capability.

(i) Coordinatesandsharesinformationwithotherthreatfinancecellstobuilda comprehensive picture of the adversary’s financial activities.

(2) At the operational level, the joint force J-2 develops and maintains an understanding of the OE, which includes economic and financial aspects. If established, the threat finance cell supports the J-2 to develop and maintain an understanding of the economic and financial environment of the HN and surrounding countries to assist in the detection and tracking of illicit financial activities, understanding where financial support is coming from, how that support is being moved into the area of operation and how that financial support is being used. The threat finance cell:

(a) Works with the J-2 to develop threat finance-related priority intelligence requirements and establish threat finance all-source intelligence collection priorities. The threat finance cell assists the J-2 in the detection, identification, tracking, analysis, and targeting of adversary personnel and networks associated with financial support across the operational area.

(b) The threat finance cell coordinates with tactical and theater threat finance cells and shares information with those entities as well as multinational forces, HN, and as appropriate and in coordination with the joint force J-2, the intelligence community.

(c) The threat finance cell, in coordination with the J-2, establishes a financial network picture for all known adversary organizations in the operational area; establishes individual portfolios or target packages for persons identified as providing financial or material support to the adversary’s organizations in the operational area; identifies adversary financial TTP for fund-raising, transfer mechanisms, distribution, management and control, and disbursements; and identifies and distributes information on fund-raising methods that are being used by specific groups in the area of operations. The threat finance cell can also:

  1. Identify specific financial institutions that are involved with or that are providing financial support to the adversary and how those institutions are being exploited by the adversary.
  2. Provide CTF expertise on smuggling and cross border financial and logistics activities.
  3. Establish and maintain information on adversary operating budgets in the area of operation to include revenue streams, operating costs, and potential additions, or depletions, to strategic or operational reserves.
  4. Targets identified by the operational-level threat finance cell are shared with the tactical threat finance cells. This allows the tactical threat finance cells to support and coordinate tactical units to act as an action arm for targets identified by the operational-level CTF organization, and coordinate tactical intelligence assets and sources against adversary organizations identified by the operational-level CTF organization.
  5. Multi-echelon information sharing is critical to unraveling the complexities of an adversary’s financial infrastructure. Operational-level CTF organizations require the detailed financial intelligence that is typically obtained by resources controlled by the tactical organizations.
  6. The operational-level threat finance cell facilitates the provision of support by USG and multinational organizations at the tactical level. This is especially true for USG department and agencies that have representation at the American Embassy.

(3) Tactical-level threat finance cells will require support from the operational level to obtain HN political support to deal with negative influencers that can only be influenced or removed by national-level political leaders, including governors, deputy governors, district leads, agency leadership, chiefs of police, shura leaders, elected officials and other persons serving in official positions; HN security forces; civilian institutions; and even NGOs/charities that may be providing the adversary with financial and logistical support.

(4) The threat finance cell should be integrated into the battle rhythm. Battle rhythm events should follow the following criteria:

(a) Name of board or cell: Descriptive and unique.

(b) Lead staff section: Who receives, compiles, and delivers information.

(c) When/where does it meet in battle rhythm: Allocation of resources (time and facilities), and any collaborative tool requirements.

(d) Purpose: Brief description of the requirement.

(e) Inputs required from: Staff sections, centers, groups, cells, offices, elements, boards, working groups, and planning teams required to provide products (once approved, these become specified tasks).

(f) When? Suspense for inputs.

(g) Output/process/product: Products and links to other staff sections, centers, groups, cells, offices, elements, boards, working groups, and planning teams.

(h) Time of delivery: When outputs will be available.

(i) Membership: Who has to attend (task to staff to provide participants and representatives).

 

  1. Assessment
  2. JFCs should know the importance and use of CTF capabilities within the context of measurable results for countering adversaries and should embed this knowledge within their staff. By assessing common elements found in adversaries’ financial operations, such as composition, disposition, strength, personnel, tactics, and logistics, JFCs can gain an understanding of what they might encounter while executing an operation and identify vulnerabilities of the adversary. Preparing a consolidated, whole-of-government set of metrics for threat finance will be extremely challenging.
  3. Metricsonthreatfinancemayappeartobeoflittlevaluebecauseitisverydifficult to obtain fast results or intelligence that can is immediately actionable. Actions against financial networks may take months to prepare, organize, and implement, due to the difficulty of collecting relevant detailed information and the time lags associated with processing, analysis, and reporting findings on threat financial networks.
  4. The JFC’s staff should assess the adversary’s behaviors based on the JFC’s desired end state and determine whether the adversary’s behavior is moving closer to that end state.
  5. The JFC and staff should consult with participating agencies and nations to establish a set of metrics which are appropriate to the mission or LOOs assigned to the CTF organization.

APPENDIX B

THE CONVERGENCE OF ILLICIT NETWORKS

  1. The convergence of illicit networks (e.g., criminals, terrorists, and insurgents) incorporates the state or degree to which two or more organizations, elements, or individuals approach or interrelate. Conflict in Iraq and Afghanistan has seen a substantial increase in the cooperative arrangements of illicit networks to further their respective interests. From the Taliban renting their forces out to provide security for drug operations to al-Qaida using criminal organizations to smuggle resources, temporary cooperative arrangements are now a routine aspect of CTN operations.
  2. The US intelligence community has concluded that transnational organized crime has grown significantly in size, scope, and influence in recent years. A public summary of the assessment identified a convergence of terrorist, criminal, and insurgent networks as one of five key threats to US national security. Terrorists and insurgents increasingly have and will continue to turn to crime to generate funding and will acquire logistical support from criminals, in part because of successes by USG departments and agencies and PNs in attacking other sources of their funding, such as from state sponsors. In some instances, terrorists and insurgents prefer to conduct criminal activities themselves; when they cannot do so, they turn to outside individuals and facilitators. Some criminal organizations have adopted terrorist organizations’ practice of extreme and widespread violence in an overt effort to intimidate governments and populations at various levels.
  3. To counter threat networks, it is imperative to understand the converging nature of the relationship among terrorist groups, insurgencies, and transnational criminal organizations. The proliferation of these illicit networks and their activities globally threaten US national security interests. Together, these groups not only destabilize environments through violence, but also become dominant actors in shadow economies, distorting market forces. Indications are that although the operations and objectives of criminal groups, insurgents, and terrorists differ, these groups interact on a regular basis for mutually beneficial reasons. They each pose threats to state sovereignty. They share the common goals of ensuring that poorly governed and post-conflict countries have ineffective laws and law enforcement, porous borders, a culture of corruption, and lucrative criminal opportunities.

Organized crime has been traditionally treated as a law enforcement rather than national security concern. The convergence of organized criminal networks with the other non-state actors requires a more sophisticated, interactive, and comprehensive response that takes into account the dynamics of the relationships and adapts to the shifting tactics employed by the various threat networks.

  1. Mounting evidence suggests that the modus operandi of these entities often diverges and the interactions among them are on the rise. This spectrum of convergence (Figure B-1) has received increasing attention in law enforcement and national security policy-making circles. Until recently, the prevalent view was that terrorists and insurgents were clearly distinguishable from organized criminal groups by their motivations and the methods used to achieve their objectives. Terrorist and insurgent groups use or threaten to use extreme violence to attain political ends, while organized criminal groups are primarily motivated by profit. Today, these distinctions are no longer useful for developing effective diplomatic, law enforcement, and military strategies, simply because the lines between them have become blurred, and the security issues have become intertwined.

The convergence of organized criminal networks and other illicit non-state actors, whether for short-term tactical partnerships or broader strategic imperatives, requires a much more sophisticated response or unified approach, one that takes into account the evolving nature of the relationships as well as the environmental conditions that draw them together.

  1. The convergence of illicit networks has provided law enforcement agencies with a broader mandate to combat terrorism. Labeling terrorists as criminals undermines the reputation of terrorists as freedom fighters with principles and a clear political ideology, thereby hindering their ability to recruit members or raise funds.

just as redefining terrorists as criminals damages their reputation, ironically it might prove to be useful at other times to redefine criminals as terrorists, such as in the case of the Haqqani network in Afghanistan. For instance, this change in term might make additional resources available to law enforcement agencies, such as those of the military or the intelligence services, thereby making law enforcement more effective.

  1. However, there are some limitations associated with the latter approach. The adage that a terrorist to one is a freedom fighter to another holds true. This difference of opinion therefore renders it difficult for states to cooperate in joint CT operations.
  2. The paradigm of fighting terrorism, insurgency, and transnational crime separately, utilizing distinct sets of authorities, tools, and methods, is not adequate to meet the challenges posed by the convergence of these networks into a criminal-terrorist-insurgency conglomeration. While the US has maintained substantial long-standing efforts to combat terrorism and transnational crime separately, the government has been challenged to evaluate whether the existing array of authorities, responsibilities, programs, and resources sufficiently responds to the combined criminal-terrorism threat. Common foreign policy options have centered on diplomacy, foreign assistance, financial actions, intelligence, military action, and investigations. At issue is how to conceptualize this complex illicit networks phenomenon and oversee the implementation of cross-cutting activities that span geographic regions, functional disciplines, and a multitude of policy tools that are largely dependent on effective interagency coordination and international cooperation.
  3. Terrorist Organizations
  4. Terrorism is the unlawful use of violence or threat of violence, often motivated by religious, political, or other ideological beliefs, to instill fear and coerce governments or societies in pursuit of goals that are usually political.
  5. In addition to increasing law enforcement capabilities for CT, the US, like many nations, has developed specialized, but limited, military CT capabilities. CT actions are activities and operations taken to neutralize terrorists and their organizations and networks to render them incapable of using violence to instill fear and coerce governments or societies to achieve their goals.
  6. Insurgencies
  7. Insurgency is the organized use of subversion and violence to seize, nullify, or challenge political control of a region. Insurgency uses a mixture of subversion, sabotage, political, economic, psychological actions, and armed conflict to achieve its political aims. It is a protracted politico-military struggle designed to weaken the control and legitimacy of an established government, a military occupation government, an interim civil administration, or a peace process while increasing insurgent control and legitimacy.
  8. COIN is a comprehensive civilian and military effort designed to simultaneously defeat and contain insurgency and address its root causes. COIN is primarily a political struggle and incorporates a wide range of activities by the HN government, of which security is only one element, albeit an important one. Unified action is required to successfully conduct COIN operations and should include all HN, US, and multinational partners.
  9. Of the groups designated as FTOs by DOS, the vast majority possess the characteristics of an insurgency: an element of the larger group is conducting insurgent type operations, or the group is providing assistance in the form of funding, training, or fighters to another insurgency. Colombia’s government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia reached an agreement to enter into peace negotiations in 2012, taking another big step toward ending the 50-year old insurgency.
  10. The convergence of illicit networks contributes to the undermining of the fabric of society. Since the proper response to this kind of challenge is effective civil institutions, including uncorrupted and effective police, the US must be capable of deliberately applying unified action across all instruments of national power in assisting allies and PNs when asked.
  11. Transnational Criminal Organizations
  12. From the National Security Strategy, combating transnational criminal and trafficking networks requires a multidimensional strategy that safeguards citizens, breaks the financial strength of criminal and terrorist networks, disrupts illicit trafficking networks, defeats transnational criminal organizations, fights government corruption, strengthens the rule of law, bolsters judicial systems, and improves transparency.
  13. Transnational criminal organizations are self-perpetuating associations of individuals that operate to obtain power, influence, monetary and/or commercial gains, wholly or in part by illegal means. These organizations protect their activities through a pattern of corruption and/or violence or protect their illegal activities through a transnational organizational structure and the exploitation of transnational commerce or communication mechanisms.

Transnational criminal networks are not only expanding operations, but they are also diversifying activities, creating a convergence of threats that has become more complex, volatile, and destabilizing. These networks also threaten US interests by forging alliances with corrupt elements of national governments and using the power and influence of those elements to further their criminal activities. In some cases, national governments exploit these relationships to further their interests to the detriment of the US.

  1. The convergence of illicit networks continues to grow as global sanctions affect the ability of terrorist organizations and insurgencies to raise funds to conduct their operations.
  2. Although drug trafficking still represents the most lucrative illicit activity in the world, other criminal activity, particularly human and arms trafficking, have also expanded. As a consequence, international criminal organizations have gone global; drug trafficking organizations linked to the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, for example, have agents in West Africa
  3. As the power and influence of these organizations has grown, their ability to undermine, corrode, and destabilize governments has increased. The links forged between these criminal groups, terrorist movements, and insurgencies have resulted in a new type of threat: ever-evolving networks that exploit permissive OEs and the seams and gaps in policy and application of unified action to conduct their criminal, violent, and politically motivated activities. Threat networks adapt their structures and activities faster than countries can combat their illicit activities. In some instances, illicit networks are now running criminalized states.

 

Drawing the necessary distinctions and differentiations [between coexistence, cooperation, and convergence] allows the necessary planning to begin in order to deal with the matter, not only in the Sahel, but across the globe:

By knowing your enemies, you can find out what it is they want. Once you know what they want, you can decide whether to deny it to them and thereby demonstrate the futility of their tactics, give it to them, or negotiate and give them a part of it in order to cause them to end their campaign. By knowing your enemies, you can make an assessment not just of their motives but also their capabilities and of the caliber of their leaders and their organizations.

It is often said that knowledge is power. However, in isolation knowledge does not enable us to understand the problem or situation. Situational awareness and analysis is required for comprehension, while comprehension and judgment is required for understanding. It is this understanding that equips decision makers with the insight and foresight required to make effective decisions.

Extract from Alda, E., and Sala, J. L., Links Between Terrorism, Organized Crime and Crime: The Case of the Sahel Region. Stability: International Journal of Security and Development, 10 September 2014.

 

APPENDIX C

COUNTERING THREAT NETWORKS IN THE MARITIME DOMAIN

  1. Overview

The maritime domain connects a myriad of geographically dispersed nodes of friendly, neutral, and threat networks, and serves as the primary conduit for nearly all global commerce. The immense size, dynamic environments, and legal complexities of this domain create significant challenges to establishing effective maritime governance in many regions of the world.

APPENDIX D

IDENTITY ACTIVITIES SUPPORT TO COUNTERING THREAT NETWORK OPERATIONS

  1. Identity activities are a collection of functions and actions that recognize and differentiate one person from another to support decision making. Identity activities include the collection of identity attributes and physical materials and their processing and exploitation.
  2. Identity attributes are the biometric, biographical, behavioral, and reputational data collected during encounters with an individual and across all intelligence disciplines that can be used alone or with other data to identify an individual. The processing and analysis of these identity attributes results in the identification of individuals, groups, networks, or populations of interest, and facilitates the development of I2 products that allow an operational commander to:

(1) Identify previously unknown threat identities.

(2) Positively link identity information, with a high degree of certainty, to a specific human actor.

(3) Reveal the actor’s pattern of life and connect the actor to other persons, places, materials, or events.

(4) Characterize the actor’s associates’ potential level of threat to US interests.

  1. I2 fuses identity attributes and other information and intelligence associated with those attributes collected across all disciplines. I2 and DOD law enforcement criminal intelligence products are crucial to commanders’, staffs’, and components’ ability to identify and select specific threat individuals as targets, associate them with the means to create desired effects, and support the JFC’s operational objectives.
  2. Identity Activities Considerations
  3. Identity activities leverage enabling intelligence activities to help identify threat actors by connecting individuals to other persons, places, events, or materials, analyzing patterns of life, and characterizing capability and intent to harm US interests.
  4. The joint force J-2 is normally responsible for production of I2 within the CCMD.

(1) I2 products are normally developed through the JIPOE process and provide detailed information about threat activity identities in the OE. All-source analysis, coupled with identity information, significantly enhances understanding of the location of threat actors and provides detailed information about threat activity and potential high-threat areas within the OE. I2 products enable improved force protection, targeted operations, enhanced intelligence collection, and coordinated planning.

  1. Development of I2 requires coordination throughout the USG and PNs, and may necessitate an intelligence federation agreement. During crises, joint forces may also garner support from the intelligence community through intelligence federation.
  2. Identity Activities at the Strategic, Operational, and Tactical Levels
  3. At the strategic level, identity activities are dependent on interagency and PN information and intelligence sharing, collaboration, and decentralized approaches to gain identity information and intelligence, provide analyses, and support the vetting the status (friendly, adversary, neutral, or unknown) of individuals outside the JFC’s area of operations who could have an impact on the JFC’s missions and objectives.
  4. At the operational level, identity activities employ collaborative and decentralized approaches blending technical capabilities and analytic abilities to provide identification and vetting of individuals within the AOR.
  5. At the tactical level, identity information obtained via identity activities continues to support the unveiling of anonymities. Collection and analysis of identity-related data helps tactical commanders further understand the OE and to decide on the appropriate COAs with regards to individual(s) operating within it; as an example, identity information often forms the basis for targeting packages. In major combat operations, I2 products help provide the identities of individuals moving about the operational area who are conducting direct attacks on combat forces, providing intelligence for the enemy, and/or disrupting logistic operations.
  6. US Special Operations Command and partners currently deploy land-based exploitation analysis centers to rapidly process and exploit biometric data, documents, electronic media, and other material to support I2 operations and gain greater situational awareness of threats.
  7. Policy and Legal Considerations for Identity Activities Support to Countering Threat Networks
  8. The authorities to collect, store, share, and use identity data will vary depending upon the AOR and the PNs involved in the CTN activities. Different countries have strict legal restrictions on the collection and use of personally identifiable information, and the JFC may need separate bilateral and/or multinational agreements to alleviate partners’ privacy concerns.
  9. Socio-cultural considerations also may vary depending upon the AOR. In some cultures, for example, a female subject’s biometric data may need to be collected by a female. In other cultures, facial photography may be the preferred biometric collection methodology so as not to cross sociocultural boundaries.
  10. Evidence-based operations and support to rule of law for providing identity data to HN law enforcement and judicial systems should be considered.

The prosecution of individuals, networks, and criminals relies on identity data. However, prior to providing identity data to HN law enforcement and judicial systems, one should consult with their staff judge advocate or legal advisor.

APPENDIX E

EXPLOITATION IN SUPPORT OF COUNTERING THREAT NETWORKS 1. Exploitation and the Joint Force

  1. Oneofthemajorchallengesconfrontingthejointforceistheaccurateidentification of the threat network’s key personnel, critical functions, and sources of supply. Threat networks often go to extraordinary lengths to protect critical information about the identity of their members and the physical signatures of their operations. These networks leave behind an extraordinary amount of potentially useful information in the form of equipment, documents, and even materials recovered from captured personnel. This information can lead to a deeper understanding of the threat network’s nodes, links, and functions and assists in continuous analysis and mapping of the network. If the friendly force has the ability to collect and analyze the materials found in the OE, then they can gain the insights needed to cause significant damage to the threat network’s operations. Exploitation provides a means to match individuals to events, places, devices, weapons, related paraphernalia, or contraband as part of a network attack.
  2. Conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan have witnessed a paradigm shift in how the US military’s intelligence community supports the immediate intelligence needs of the deployed force and the type of information that can be derived from analysis of equipment, materials, documents, and personnel encountered on the battlefield. To meet the challenges posed by threat networks in an irregular warfare environment, the US military formed a deployable, multidisciplinary exploitation capability designed to provide immediate feedback on the tactical and operational relevance of threat equipment, materials, documents, and personnel encountered by the force. This expeditionary capability is modular, scalable, and includes collection, technical, and forensic exploitation and analytical capabilities linked to the national labs and the intelligence enterprise.
  3. Exploitation is accomplished through a combination of forward deployed and reachback resources to support the commander’s operational requirements.
  4. Exploitation employs a wide array of enabling capabilities and interagency resources, from forward deployed experts to small cells or teams providing scientific or technical support, or interagency or partner laboratories, and centers of excellence providing real-time support via reachback. Exploitation activities require detailed planning, flexible execution, and continuous assessment. Exploitation is designed to provide:

(1) Support to targeting, which occurs as a result of technical and forensic exploitation of recovered materials used to identify participants in the activity and provide organizational insights that are targetable.

(2) Support to component and material sourcing and tracking and supply chain interdiction uses exploitation techniques to determine origin, design, construction methods, components, and pre-cursors of threat weapons to identify where the materials originated, the activities of the threat’s logistical networks, and the local supply sources.

(3) Support to prosecution is accomplished when the results of the exploitation link individuals to illicit activities. When supporting law enforcement activities, recovered materials are handled with a chain of custody that tracks materials through the progressive stages of exploitation. The materials can be used to support detainment and prosecution of captured insurgents or to associate suspected perpetrators who are connected later with a hostile act.

(4) Support to force protection including identifying threat TTP and weapons’ capabilities that defeat friendly countermeasures, including jamming devices and armor.

(5) Identification of signature characteristics derived from threat weapon fabrication and employment methods that can aid in cuing collection assets.

  1. Tactical exploitation delivers preliminary assessments and information about the weapons employed and the people who employed them

Operational-level exploitation can be conducted by deployed labs and provides detailed forensic and technical analysis of captured materials. When combined with all-source intelligence reporting, it supports detailed analysis of threat networks to inform subsequent targeting activities. In an irregular warfare environment, where the mission and time permit, commanders should routinely employ forensics-trained collection capabilities (explosive ordnance disposal [EOD] unit, weapons intelligence team [WIT], etc.) in their overall ground operations to take advantage of battlefield opportunities.

(1) Tactical exploitation begins at the point of collection. The point of collection includes turnover of material from HN government or civilian personnel, material and information discovered during a maritime interception operation, cache discovery, raid, IED incident, post-blast site, etc.

(2) Operational-level exploitation employs technical and forensic examination techniques of collected data and material and is conducted by highly trained examiners in expeditionary or reachback exploitation facilities.

  1. Strategic exploitation is designed to inform theater- and national-level decision makers. A commander’s strategic exploitation assets may include forward deployed or reachback joint captured materiel exploitation centers and labs capable of conducting formally accredited and/or highly sophisticated exploitation techniques. These assets can respond to theater strategic intelligence requirements and, when very specialized capabilities are leveraged, provide support to national requirements.

Strategic exploitation is designed to support national strategy and policy development. Strategic requirements usually involve targeting of high-value or high-priority actors, force protection design improvement programs, and source interdiction programs designed to deny the adversary externally furnished resources.

  1. Exploitation activities are designed to provide a progressively detailed multidisciplinary analysis of materials recovered from the OE. From the initial tactical evaluation at the point of collection, to the operational forward deployed technical/forensic field laboratory and subsequent evaluation, the enterprise is designed to provide a timely, multidisciplinary analysis to support decision making at all echelons. Exploitation capabilities vary in scope and complexity, span peacetime to wartime activities, and can be applied during all military operations.
  2. Collection and Exploitation
  3. An integrated and synchronized effort to detect, collect, process, and analyze information, materials, or people and disseminate the resulting facts provides the JFC with information or actionable intelligence.

Collection also includes the documentation of contextual information and material observed at the incident site or objective. All the activities vital to collection and exploitation are relevant to identity activities as many of the operations and efforts are capable of providing identity attributes used for developing I2 products.

(1) Site Exploitation. The JFC may employ hasty or deliberate site exploitation during operations to recognize, collect, process, preserve, and analyze information, personnel, and/or material found during the conduct of operations. Based on the type of operation, commanders and staffs assess the probability that forces will encounter a site capable of yielding information or intelligence and plan for the integration of various capabilities to conduct site exploitation.

(2) Expeditionary Exploitation Capabilities. Operational-level expeditionary labs are the focal point for the theater’s exploitation and analysis activities that provide the commander with the time-sensitive information needed to shape the OE.

(a) Technical Exploitation. Technical exploitation includes electronic and mechanical examination and analysis of collected material. This process provides information regarding weapon design, material, and suitability of mechanical and electronic components of explosive devices, improvised weapons, and associated components.

  1. Electronic Exploitation. Electronic exploitation at the operational level is limited and may require strategic-level exploitation available at reachback labs or forward deployed labs.
  2. Mechanical Exploitation. Mechanical exploitation of material (mechanical components of conventional and improvised weapons and their associated platforms) focuses on devices incorporating manual mechanisms: combinations of physical parts that transmit forces, motion, or energy.

(b) Forensic Exploitation. Forensic exploitation applies scientific techniques to link people with locations, events, and material that aid the development of targeting, interrogation, and HN/PN prosecution support.

(c) DOMEX. DOMEX consists of three exploitation techniques: document exploitation, cellular exploitation, and media exploitation. Documents, cell phones, and media recovered during collection activities, when properly processed and exploited, provide valuable information, such as adversary plans and intentions, force locations, equipment capabilities, and logistical status. Exploitable materials include paper documents such as maps, sketches, letters, cell phones, smart phones, and digitally recorded media such as hard drives and thumb drives.

  1. Supporting the Intelligence Process
  2. Within their operational areas, commanders are concerned with identifying the members of and systematically targeting the threat network, addressing threats to force protection, denying the threat network access to resources, and supporting the rule of law. Information derived from exploitation can provide specific information and actionable intelligence to address these concerns. Exploitation reporting provides specific information to help answer the CCIRs. Exploitation analysis is also used to inform the intelligence process by identifying specific individuals, locations, and activities that are of interest to the commander
  3. Exploitation products may inform follow-on intelligence collection and analysis activities. Exploitation products can facilitate a more refined analysis of the threat network’s likely activities and, when conducted during shape and deter phases, typically enabled by HN, interagency and/or international partners, can help identify threats and likely countermeasures in advance of any combat operations.
  4. Exploitation Organization and Planning
  5. A wide variety of Service and national exploitation resources and capabilities are available to support forward deployed forces. These deployable resources are generally scalable and can make extensive use of reachback to provide analytical support. The JIPOE product will serve as a basis for determining the size and mix of capabilities that will be required to support initial operations.
  6. J-2E. During the planning process, the JFC should consider the need for exploitation support to help fulfill the requirements for information about the OE, identify potential threats to US forces, and understand the capabilities and capacity of the adversary network.

The J-2E (when organized) establishes policies and procedures for the coordination and synchronization of the exploitation of captured threat materials. The J-2E will:

(1) Evaluate and establish the commander’s collection and exploitation requirements for deployed laboratory systems or material evacuation procedures based on the mission, its object and duration, threat faced, military geographic factors, and authorities granted to collect and process captured material.

(2) Ensure broad discoverability, accessibility, and usability of exploitation information at all levels to support force protection, targeting, material sourcing, signature characterization of enemy activities, and the provision of materials collected, transported, and accounted for with the fidelity necessary to support prosecution of captured insurgents or terrorists.

(3) Prepare collection plans for a subordinate exploitation task force responsible for finding and recovering battlefield materials.

(4) Provide direction to forces to ensure that the initial site collection and exploitation activities are conducted to meet the commanders’ requirements and address critical information and intelligence gaps.

(5) Ensure that exploitation enablers are integrated and synchronized at all levels and their activities support collection on behalf of the commander’s priority intelligence requirements. Planning includes actions to:

(a) Identify units and responsibilities.

(b) Ensure exploitation requirements are included in the collection plan.

(c) Define priorities and standard operating procedures for materiel recovery and exploitation.

(d) Coordinate transportation for materiel.

(e) Establish technical intelligence points of contact at all levels to expedite dissemination.

(f) Identify required augmentation skill sets and additional enablers.

  1. Exploitation Task Force

(1) As an alternative to using the JFC’s staff to manage exploitation activities, the JFC can establish an exploitation task force, integrating tactical-level and operational-level organizations and streamlining communications under a single headquarters whose total focus is on the exploitation effort. The task force construct is useful when a large number of exploitation assets have been deployed to support large-scale, long-duration operations. The organization and employment of the task force will depend on the mission, the threat, and the available enabling forces.

The combination of collection assets with specialized exploitation enablers allows the task force to conduct focused threat network analysis and targeting, provide direct support packages of exploitation enablers to higher headquarters, and organize and conduct unit-level training programs.

(a) Site Exploitation Teams. These units are task-organized teams specifically detailed and trained at the tactical level. The mission of site exploitation teams is to conduct systematic discovery activities and search operations, and properly identify, document, and preserve the point of collection and its material.

(b) EOD Teams. EOD personnel have special training and equipment to render safe explosive ordnance and IEDs, make intelligence reports on such items or components, and supervise the safe removal thereof.

(c) WITs. WITs are task-organized teams, often with organic EOD support that exploit a site of intelligence value by collecting IED-related material, performing tactical questioning, collecting forensic materials, including latent fingerprints, preserving and documenting DOMEX, including cell phones and other electronic media, providing in-depth documentation of the site, including sketches and photographs, evaluating the effects of threat weapons systems, and preparing material for evacuation.

(d) CBRN Response Teams. When WMD or hazardous CBRN precursors may be present, CBRN response teams can be detailed to supervise the site exploitation. CBRN response team personnel are trained to properly recognize, preserve, neutralize, and collect hazardous CBRN or explosive materials.

(f) DOMEX. DOMEX support is scalable and ranges from a single liaison offer, utilizing reachback for full analysis, to a fully staffed joint document exploitation center for primary document exploitation.

APPENDIX F

THE CLANDESTINE CHARACTERISTICS OF THREAT NETWORKS 1. Introduction

  1. MaintainingregionalstabilitycontinuestoposeamajorchallengefortheUSandits PNs. The threat takes many forms from locally based to mutually supporting and regionally focused transnational criminal organizations, terrorist groups, and insurgencies that leverage global transportation and information networks to communicate and obtain and transfer resources (money, material, and personnel). In the long term, for the threat to win it must survive and to survive it must be organized and operate so that no one strike will cripple the organization. Today’s threat networks are characterized by flexible organizational structures, adaptable and dynamic operational capabilities, a highly nuanced understanding of the OE, and a clear vision of their long-term goals.
  2. While much has been made of the revolution brought about by technology and its impact on a threat network’s organization and operational methods, the impacts have been evolutionary rather than revolutionary. The threat network is well aware that information technology, while increasing the rate and volume of information exchange, has also increased the risk to clandestine operations due to the increase in electromagnetic and cyberspace signatures, which puts these types of communications at risk of detection by governments, like the USG, that can apply technological advantage to identify, monitor, track, and exploit these signatures.
  3. When it comes to designing a resilient and adaptable organizational structure, every successful threat network over time adopted the traditional clandestine cellular network architecture. This type of network architecture provides a means of survival in form through a cellular or compartmentalized structure; and in function through the use of clandestine arts or tradecraft to minimize the signature of the organization—all based on the logic that the primary concern is that the movement needs to survive to attain its political goals.
  4. When faced with a major threat or the loss of a key leader, clandestine cellular networks contain the damage and simply morph and adapt to new leaders, just as they morph and adapt to new terrain and OEs. In some cases the networks are degraded, in others they are strengthened, but in both cases, they continue to fight on, winning by not losing. It is this “logic” of clandestine cellular networks—winning by not losing—that ensures their survival.
  5. CTN activities that focus on high-value or highly connected individuals (organizational facilitators) may achieve short-term gains but the cellular nature of most threat networks allows them to quickly replace individual losses and contain the damage. Operations should isolate the threat network from the friendly or neutral populations, regularly deny them the resources required to operate, and eliminate leadership at all levels so friendly forces can deny them the freedom of movement and freedom of action the threat needs to survive.
  6. Principles of Clandestine Cellular Networks

The survival of clandestine portions of a threat network organization rests on six principles: compartmentalization, resilience, low signature, purposeful growth, operational risk, and organizational learning. These six principles can help friendly forces to analyze current network theories, doctrine, and clandestine adversaries to identify strengths and weaknesses.

  1. Compartmentalization comes both from form and function and protects the organization by reducing the number of individuals with direct knowledge of other members, plans, and operations. Compartmentalization provides the proverbial wall to counter friendly exploitation and intelligence-driven operations.
  2. Resilience comes from organizational form and functional compartmentalization and not only minimizes damage due to counter network strikes on the network, but also provides a functional method for reconnecting the network around individuals (nodes) that have been killed or captured.
  3. Low signature is a functional component based on the application of clandestine art or tradecraft that minimizes the signature of communications, movement, inter-network interaction, and operations of the network.
  4. Purposeful growth highlights the fact that these types of networks do not grow in accordance with modern information network theories, but grow with purpose or aim: to gain access to a target, sanctuary, population, intelligence, or resources. Purposeful growth primarily relies on clandestine means of recruiting new members based on the overall purpose of the network, branch, or cell.
  5. Operational risk balances the acceptable risk for conducting operations to gain or maintain influence, relevance, or reach to attain the political goals and long-term survival of the movement. Operations increase the observable signature of the organization, threatening its survival. Clandestine cellular networks of the underground develop overt fighting forces (rural and urban) to interact with the population, the government, the international community, and third-party countries conducting FID in support of the government forces. This interaction invariably leads to increased observable signature and counter-network operations against the network’s overt elements. However, as long as the clandestine core is protected, these overt elements are considered expendable and quickly replaced.
  6. Organizational learning is the fundamental need to learn and adapt the clandestine cellular network to the current situation, the threat environment, overall organizational goals, relationships with external support mechanisms, the changing TTP of the counter network forces, new technologies, and the physical dimension, human factors, and cyberspace.
  7. Organization of Clandestine Cellular Networks
  8. Clandestine elements of an insurgency use form—organization and structure—for compartmentalization, relying on the basic network building block, the compartmented cell, from which the term cellular is derived. The cell size can differ significantly from one to any number of members, as well as the type of interaction within the cell, depending on the cell’s function. There are generally three basic functions—operations, intelligence, and support. The cell members may not know each other, such as in an intelligence cell, with the cell leader being the only connection between the other members. In more active operational cells, such as a direct-action cell, all the members are connected, know each other, perhaps are friends or are related, and conduct military-style operations that require large amounts of communications. Two or more cells linked to a common leader are referred to as branches of a larger network. For example, operational cells may be supported by an intelligence cell or logistics cell. Building upon the branch is the network, which is made up of multiple compartmentalized branches, generally following a pattern of intelligence (and counterintelligence) branches, operational branches (direct action or urban guerrilla cells), support branches (logistics and other operational enablers like propaganda support), and overt political branches or shadow governments
  9. The key concept for organizational form is compartmentalization of the clandestine cellular network (i.e., each element is isolated or separated from the others). Structural compartmentalization is in two forms: the cut-out, which is a method ensuring that opponents are unable to directly link two individuals together, and through lack of knowledge; no personal information is known about other cell members, so capture of one does not put the others at risk. In any cell where the members must interact directly, such as in an operational or support cell, the entire cell may be detained, but if the structural compartmentalization is sound, then the counter-network forces will not be able to exploit the cell to target other cells, the leaders of the branch, or overall network.
  10. The basic model for a cellular clandestine network consists of the underground, the auxiliary, and the fighters. The underground and auxiliary are the primary components that utilize clandestine cellular networks; the fighters are the more visible overt action arm of the insurgency (Figure F-2). The underground and auxiliary cannot be easily replaced, while the fighters can suffer devastating defeats (Fallujah in 2006) without threatening the existence of the organization.
  11. The underground is responsible for the overall command, control, communications, information, subversion, intelligence, and covert direct action operations, such as terrorism, sabotage, and intimidation. The original members and core of the threat network generally operate as members of the underground. The underground cadres develop the organization, ideally building it from the start as a clandestine cellular network to ensure its secrecy, low- signature, and survivability. The underground members operate as the overarching leaders, leaders of the organization cells, training cadres, and/or subject matter experts for specialized skills, such as propaganda, bomb making, or communications.
  12. The auxiliary is the clandestine support personnel, directed by the underground, which provide logistics, operational support, and intelligence collection of the underground and the fighters. The auxiliary members use their normal daily routines to provide them cover for their activities in support of the threat, to include freedom of movement to transport materials and personnel, specialized skills (electricians, doctors, engineers, etc.), or specialized capabilities for operations. These individuals may hold jobs such as local security forces, doctors and nurses, shipping and transportation specialists, and businesspeople that provide them with a reason for security forces to allow them freedom of movement even in a crisis.
  13. The fighters are the most visible and the most easily replaced members of the threat network. While their size and armament will vary, they use a more traditional hierarchical organizational structure. The fighters are normally used for the high-risk missions where casualties are expected and can be recovered from in short order.
  14. The Elements of a Clandestine Cellular Network
  15. A growing insurgency/terrorist/criminal movement is a complex undertaking that must be carefully managed if its critical functions are to be performed successfully. Using the clandestine cellular model, the organization’s leader and staff will manage a number of subordinate functional networks
  16. These functional networks will be organized into small cells, usually arranged so that only the cell leader knows the next connection in the organization. As the organization grows, the number of required interactions will increase, but the number of actively participating members in those multicellular interactions will remain limited. Unfortunately, the individual’s increased activity also increases the risk of detection.
  17. Clandestine cellular networks are largely decentralized for execution at the tactical level, but maintain a traditional or decentralized hierarchical form above the tactical level. The core leadership may be an individual, with numerous deputies, which can limit the success of decapitation strikes. Alternatively, the core leadership could be in the form of a centralized group of core individuals, which may act as a centralized committee. The core could also be a coordinating committee of like-minded threat leaders who coordinate their efforts, actions, and effects for an overall goal, while still maintaining their own agendas.
  18. To maintain a low signature necessary for survival, network leaders give maximum latitude for tactical decision making to cell leaders. This allows them to maintain tactical agility and freedom of action based on local conditions. The key consideration of the underground leader, with regard to risk versus maintaining influence, is to expose only the periphery tactical elements to direct contact with the counter-network forces.

LASTING SUCCESS

For the counter-network operator, the goal is to conduct activities that are designed to break the compartmentalization and facilitate the need for direct communication with members of other cells in the same branch or members of other networks. By maintaining pressure and leveraging the effects of a multi-nodal attack, friendly forces could potentially cause a catastrophic “cascading failure” and the disruption, neutralization, or destruction of multiple cells, branches, or even the entire network. Defeat of a network’s overt force is only a setback. Lasting success can only come with securing the relevant population, isolating the network from external support, and identifying and neutralizing the hard-core members of the network.

Various Sources

  1. Even with rigorous compartmentalization and internal discipline, there are structural weaknesses that can be detected and exploited. These structural points of weaknesses include the interaction between the underground and the auxiliary and between the auxiliary and the fighters and the interaction with external networks (transnational criminal, terrorist, other insurgents) who may not have the same level of compartmentalization.
  2. Network Descriptors
  3. Networks and cells can be described as open or closed. Understanding whether a network or cell is open or closed helps the intelligence analysts and planners to determine the scale, vulnerability, and purpose behind the network or cell. An open network is one that is growing purposefully, recruiting members to gain strength, access to targeted areas or support populations, or to replace losses. Given proper compartmentalization, open networks provide an extra security buffer for the core movement leaders by adding layers to the organization between the core and the periphery cells. Since the periphery cells on the outer edge of the network have higher signatures than the core, they draw the friendly force’s attention and are more readily identified by the friendly force, protecting the core.
  4. Closed cells or networks have limited or no growth, having been hand selected or directed to limit growth in order to minimize signature, chances of compromise, and to focus on a specific mission. While open networks are focused on purposeful growth, the opposite is true of the closed networks that are purposefully compartmentalized to a certain size based on their operational purpose. This is especially pertinent for use as terrorist cells, made up of generally closed, non-growing networks of specially selected or close-knit individuals. Closed networks have an advantage in operational security since the membership is fixed and consists of trusted individuals. Compartmentalizing a closed network protects the network from infiltration, but once penetrated, it can be defeated in detail.

APPENDIX G

SOCIAL NETWORK ANALYSIS

  1. In military operations, maps have always played an important role as an invaluable tool to better understanding the OE. Understanding the physical terrain is often secondary to understanding the people. Identifying and understanding the human factors is critical. The ability to map, visualize, and measure threat, friendly, and neutral networks to identify key nodes enables commanders at the strategic, operational, and tactical levels to better optimize solutions and develop the plan.
  2. Planners should understand the environment made up of human relationships and connections established by cultural, tribal, religious, and familial demographics and affiliations.
  3. By using advanced analytical methodologies such as SNA, analysts can map out, visualize, and understand the human factors.
  4. Social Network Analysis
  5. Overview

(1) SNA is a method that provides the identification of key nodes in the network based on four types of centrality (i.e., degree, closeness, betweenness, and eigenvector) using network diagrams. SNA focuses on the relationships (links or ties) between people, groups, or organizations (called nodes or actors). SNA does this by providing tools and quantitative measures that help to map out, visualize, and understand networks and the relationships between people (the human factors) and how those networks and relationships may be influenced.

Network diagrams, a graphical depiction of network analysis, used within SNA are referred to as sociograms that depict the social community structure as a network with ties between nodes (see Figure G-1). Like physical terrain maps of the earth, sociograms can have differing levels of detail.

(2) SNA provides a deeper understanding of the visualization of people within social networks and assists in ranking potential ability to influence or be influenced by those social networks. SNA provides an understanding of the organizational dynamics of a social network, which can be used for detailed analysis of a network to determine options on how to best influence, coerce, support, attack, or exploit them. In particular, it allows planners to identify and portray the details of a network structure, illuminate key players, highlight cohesive cells or subgroups within the network and identify individuals or groups that can or cannot be influenced, supported, manipulated, or coerced.

(3) SNA helps organize the informality of illusive and evolving networks. SNA techniques highlight the structure of a previously unobserved association by focusing on the preexisting relationships and ties that bind groups together. By focusing on roles, organizational positions, and prominent or influential actors, planners can analyze the structure of an organization, how the group functions, how members are influenced, how power is exerted, and how resources are exchanged. These factors allow the joint force to plan and execute operations that will result in desired effects on the targeted network.

(4) The physical, cultural, and social aspects of human factors involve complicated dynamics among people and organizations. These dynamics cannot be fully understood using traditional link analysis alone. SNA is distinguished from traditional, variable-based analysis that typically focuses on a person’s attributes such as gender, race, age, height, income, and religious affiliation.

While personal attributes remain fairly constant, social groups, affiliations or relationships constantly evolve. For example, a person can be a storeowner (business social network), a father (kinship social network), a member of the local government (political social network), a member of a church (religious social network), and be part of the insurgent underground (resistance social network). A person’s position in each social network matters more than their unchanging personal attributes. Their behavior in each respective network changes according to their role, influence, and authority in the network.

(1) Metrics. Analysts draw on a number of metrics and methods to better understand human networks. Common SNA metrics are broadly categorized into three metric families: network topology, actor centrality, and brokers and bridges.

(a) Network Diagram. Network topology is used to measure the overall network structure, such as its size, shape, density, cohesion, and levels of centralization and hierarchy (see Figure G-2). These types of measures can provide an understanding of a network’s ability to remain resilient and perform tasks efficiently. Network topology provides the planner with an understanding of how the network is organized and structured.

(b) Centrality. Indicators of centrality identify the key nodes within a network diagram, which may include identifying influential person(s) in a social network. Identification of the centrality helps identify key nodes in the network and illuminate potential leaders and can lead analysts to potential brokers within the network (see Figure G- 3). Centrality also measures and ranks people and organizations within a network based on how central they are to that network.

  1. Degree Centrality. The degree centrality of a node is based purely on the number of nodes it is linked to and the strength of those nodes. It is measured by a simple count of the number of direct links one node has to other nodes within the network. While this number is meaningless on its own, higher levels of degree centrality compared to other nodes may indicate an individual with a higher degree of power or influence within the network.

Nodes with a low degree of centrality (few direct links) are sometimes described as peripheral nodes (e.g., nodes I and J in Figure G-3). Although they have relatively low centrality scores, peripheral nodes can nevertheless play significant roles as resource gatherers or sources of fresh information from outside the main network.

  1. Closeness Centrality. Closeness centrality is the length of a node’s shortest path to any other node in the network. It is measured by a simple count of the number of links or steps from a node to the farther node away from it in the network, with the lowest numbers indicating nodes with the highest levels of closeness centrality. Nodes with a high level of closeness centrality have the closest association with every other node in the network. A high level of closeness centrality affords a node the best ability to directly or indirectly access the largest amount of nodes with the shortest path.

Closeness is calculated by adding the number of hops between a node and all others in a network

  1. Betweenness Centrality. Betweenness centrality is present when a node serves as the only connection between small clusters (e.g., cliques, cells) or individual nodes and the larger network. It is not measured by counting like degree and closeness centrality are; it is either present or not present (i.e., yes or no). Having betweenness centrality allows a node to monitor and control the exchanges between the smaller and larger networks that they connect, essentially acting as a broker for information between sections of the network.
  2. Eigen vector centrality measures the degree to which a node is linked to centralized nodes and is often a measure of the influence of a node in a network. It assumes that the greater number or stronger ties to more central or influential nodes increases the importance of a node. It essentially determines the “prestige” of a node based on how many other important nodes it is linked to. A node with a high eigenvector centrality is more closely linked to critical hubs.

(c) Brokers and Bridges. Brokerage metrics use a combination of methods to identify either nodes (brokers) that occupy strategic positions within the network or the relationships (bridges) connecting disparate parts of the network (see Figure G-4). Brokers have the potential to function as intermediaries or liaisons in a network and can control the flow of information or resources. Nodes that lie on the periphery of a network (displaying low centrality scores) are often connected to other networks that have not been mapped. This helps the planner identify gaps in their analysis and areas that still need mapping to gain a full understanding of the OE. These outer nodes provide an opportunity to gather fresh information not currently available.

  1. Density

Network density examines how well connected a network is by comparing the number of links present to the total number of links possible, which provides an understanding of how sparse or connected the network is. Network density can indicate many things. A dense network may have more influence than a sparse network. A highly interconnected network has fewer individual member constraints, may be less likely to rely on others as information brokers, be in a better position to participate in activities, or be closer to leadership, and therefore able to exert more influence upon them.

  1. Centralization. Centralization helps provide insights on whether the network is centralized around a few key personnel/organizations or decentralized among many cells or subgroups. A network centralized around one key person may further allow planners to focus in on these key personnel to influence the entire network.
  2. Density and centralization can inform whether an adversary force has a centralized hierarchy or command structure, if they are operating under a core C2 network with multiple, relatively autonomous hubs, or if they are a group of ad hoc decentralized resistance elements with very little interconnectedness or cohesive C2. Centralization metrics can also identify the most central people or organizations with the resistance.

Although hierarchical charts are helpful, they do not convey the underlying powerbrokers and key players that are influential with a social network and can often miss identifying the brokers that control the flow of information or resources throughout the network.

  1. Interrelationship of Networks

The JFC should identify the key stakeholders, key players, and power brokers in a potential operational area.

  1. People generally identify themselves as members of one or more cohesive networks. Networks may form due to common associations between individuals that may include tribes, sub-tribes, clans, family, religious affiliations, clubs, political organizations, and professional or hobby associations. SNA helps examine the individual networks that exist within the population that are critical to understanding the human dynamics in the OE based upon known relationships.
  2. Various networks within the OE are interrelated due to an individual’s association with multiple networks. SNA provides the staff with understanding of nodes within a single network, but can be expanded to conduct analysis on interrelated networks. This may provide the joint staff with an indication of the potential association, level of connectivity and potential influence of a single node to one more interrelated network. This aspect is essential for CTN, since a threat network’s relationship with other networks must be considered by the joint staff during planning and targeting.
  3. Other Considerations
  4. Collection. Two types of data need to be collected to conduct SNA: relational data (such as family/kinship ties, business ties, trust ties, financial ties, communication ties, grievance ties, political ties, etc.) and attribute data that captures important individual characteristics (tribe affiliations, job title, address, leadership positions, etc.). Collecting, updating, and verifying this information should be coordinated across the whole of USG.

(1) Ties (or links) are the relationship between actors (nodes) (see Figure G-5). By focusing on the preexisting relationships and ties that bind a group together, SNA will help provide an understanding of the structure of the network and help identify the unobserved associations of the actors within that network. To draw an accurate picture of a network, planners need to identify ties among its members. Strong bonds formed over time by connections like family, friendship, or organizational associations characterize these ties.

(2) Capturing the relational data of social ties between people and organizations requires collection, recording, and visualization. The joint force must collect specific types of data in a structured format with standardized data definitions across the force in order to visualize the human factors in systematic sociograms.

  1. Analysis

(1) Sociograms identify influential people and organizations as well as information gaps in order to prioritize collection efforts. The social structure depicted in a sociogram implies an inherent flow of information and resources through a network. Roles and positions identify prominent or influential individuals, structures of organizations, and how the networks function. Sociograms can model the human dynamics between participants in a network, highlight how to influence the network, identify who exhibits power within the network, and illustrate resource exchanges within the network. Sociograms can also provide a description and picture of the regime networks, or neutral entities, and uncover how the population is segmented.

(2) Sociograms are representations of the actual network and may not provide a complete or true depiction of the network. This could be the result of incomplete information or including or not including appropriate ties or actors. In addition, networks are constantly changing and a sociogram is only as good as the last time it was updated.

  1. Challenges. Collecting human factors data to support SNA requires a concerted effort over an extended period. Data can derive from traditional intelligence gathering capabilities, historical data, open-source information, exploiting social media, known relationships, and direct observation. This human factor data should be codified into a standardized data coding process defined by a standardized reference. Entering this human factor data is a process of identifying, extracting, and categorizing raw data to facilitate analysis. For analysts to ensure they are analyzing the sociocultural relational data collected in a standardized way, the JFC can produce a reference that provides standardized definitions of relational terms. Standardization will ensure that when analysts or planners exchange analytical products or data their analysis has the same meaning to all parties involved. This is needed to avoid confusion or misrepresentation in the data analysis. Standardized data definitions ensure consistency at all levels; facilitate data and analysis product transfer among differing organizations; and allow multiple organizations to produce interoperable products concurrently.

APPENDIX H

REFERENCES

The development of JP 3-25 is based on the following primary references:

  1. General
  2. Title 10, United States Code.
    b. Strategy to Combat Transnational Organized Crime.
    c. Executive Order 12333, United States Intelligence Activities.
  3. Department of Defense Publications
  4. Department of Defense Counternarcotics and Global Threats Strategy.
    b. Department of Defense Directive (DODD) 2000.19E, Joint Improvised Explosive

Device Defeat Organization.

  1. DODD 3300.03, DOD Document and Media Exploitation (DOMEX).
  1. DODD 5205.14, DOD Counter Threat Finance (CTF) Policy.
  2. DODD 5205.15E, DOD Forensic Enterprise (DFE).
  1. DODD 5240.01, DOD Intelligence Activities.
  1. DODD 8521.01E, Department of Defense Biometrics.
  2. Department of Defense Instruction (DODI) O-3300.04, Defense Biometric Enabled

Intelligence (BEI) and Forensic Enabled Intelligence (FEI).

  1. DODI5200.08, Security of DOD Installations and Resources and the DOD Physical Security Review Board (PSRB).
  2. Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Publications
  3. JP 2-01.3, Joint Intelligence Preparation of the Operational Environment. b. JP 3-05, Special Operations.
    c. JP 3-07.2, Antiterrorism.
    d. JP 3-07.3, Peace Operations.
  4. JP 3-07.4, Counterdrug Operations.
    f. JP 3-08, Interorganizational Cooperation.
  5. JP 3-13, Information Operations.
    h. JP 3-13.2, Military Information Support Operations.
    i. JP 3-15.1, Counter-Improvised Explosive Device Operations. j. JP 3-16, Multinational Operations.
    k. JP 3-20, Security Cooperation.
    l. JP 3-22, Foreign Internal Defense.
    m. JP 3-24, Counterinsurgency.
    n. JP 3-26, Counterterrorism.
    o. JP 3-40, Countering Weapons of Mass Destruction.
    p. JP 3-57, Civil-Military Operations.
    q. JP 3-60, Joint Targeting.
    r. JP 5-0, Joint Planning.
    s. Joint Doctrine Note 1-16, Identity Activities.
  6. Multi-Service Publication

ATP 5-0.3/MCRP 5-1C/NTTP 5-01.3/AFTTP 3-2.87, Multi-Service Tactics, Techniques, and Procedures for Operation Assessment.

  1. Other Publications
  2. The Haqqani Network: Pursuing Feuds Under the Guise of Jihad? CTX Journal, Vol. 3, No. 4, November 2013, Major Lars W. Lilleby, Norwegian Army.
  3. Foreign Disaster Response, Military Review, November-December 2011.
  4. US Military Response to the 2010 Haiti Earthquake, RAND Arroyo Center, 2013.
  5. DOD Support to Foreign Disaster Relief, July 13, 2011.
  6. United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti website.
  7. Kirk Meyer, Former Director of the Afghan Threat Finance Cell—CTX Journal, Vol. 4, No. 3, August 2014.
  8. Networks and Netwars: The Future of Terror[ism], Crime, and Militancy, Edited by John Arquilla, David Ronfeldt.
  9. General Martin Dempsey, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Foreign Policy,25 July 2014, The Bend of Power.
  10. Alda,E.,andSala,J.L.LinksBetweenTerrorism,OrganizedCrimeandCrime:The Case of the Sahel Region. Stability: International Journal of Security and Development, Vol. 3, No. 1, Article 27, pp. 1-9.
  11. International Maritime Bureau Piracy (Piracy Reporting Center).

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Notes on Methods and Motives: Exploring Links between Transnational Organized Crime & International Terrorism

Notes on Methods and Motives: Exploring Links between Transnational Organized Crime & International Terrorism

Authors: Dr. Louise I. Shelley, John T. Picarelli, Allison Irby, Douglas M. Hart, Patricia A. Craig-Hart, Dr. Phil Williams, Steven Simon, Nabi Abdullaev, Bartosz Stanislawski, Laura Covill

In preparation for the work on this report, we reviewed a significant body of academic research on the structure and behavior of organized crime and terrorist groups. By examining how other scholars have approached the issues of organized crime or terrorism, we were able to refine our methodology. This novel approach combines a framework drawn from intelligence analysis with the tenets of a methodological approach devised by the criminologist Donald Cressey, who uses the metaphor of an archeological dig to systematize a search for information on organized crime.7 All the data and examples used to populate the model have been verified, and our findings have been validated through the rigorous application of case study methods.

 

While experts broadly accept no single definition of organized crime, a review of the numerous definitions offered identifies several central themes.8 There is consensus that at least two perpetrators are in- volved, but there is a variety of views about the way organized crime is typically organized as a hierarchy or as a network.9

 

Organized crime is a continuing enterprise, so does not include conspiracies that perpetrate single crimes and then go their separate ways. Furthermore, the overarching goals of organized crime groups are profit and power. Groups seek a balance between maximizing profits and minimizing their own risk, while striving for control by menacing certain businesses. Violence, or the threat of violence, is used to enforce obligations and maintain hegemony over rackets and enterprises such as extortion and narcotics smuggling. Corruption is a means of reducing the criminals’ own risk, maintaining control and making profits.

few definitions challenge the common view of organized crime as a ‘parallel government’ that seeks power at the expense of the state but retains patriotic or nationalistic ties to the state. This report takes up that challenge by illustrating the rise of a new class of criminal groups with little or no national allegiance. These criminals are ready to pro- vide services for terrorists as has been observed in European prisons.10

We prefer the definition offered by the UN Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime, which defines an organized crime group as “a structured group [that is not randomly formed for the im- mediate commission of an offense] of three or more persons, existing for a period of time and acting in concert with the aim of committing one or more serious crimes or offences [punishable by a deprivation of liberty of at least four years] established in accordance with this Convention, in order to obtain, directly or indirectly, a financial or other material benefit.

we prefer the notion of a number of shadow economies, in the same way that macroeconomists use the global economy, comprising markets, sectors and national economies, as their basic unit of reference.

terrorism scholar Bruce Hoffman has offered a comprehensive and useful definition of terrorism as the deliberate creation and exploitation of fear through violence or the threat of violence in the pursuit of political change.15 Hoffman’s definition offers precise terms of reference while remaining comprehensive; he further notes that terrorism is ‘political in aims and motives,’ ‘violent,’ ‘designed to have far-reaching psychological repercussions beyond the immediate victim or target,’ and ‘conducted by an organization with an identifiable chain of command or conspiratorial cell structure.’ These elements include acts of terrorism by many different types of criminal groups, yet they clearly circumscribe the violent and other terrorist acts. Therefore, the Hoffman definition can be applied to both groups and activities, a crucial distinction for this methodology we propose in this report.

Early identification of terror-crime cooperation occurred in the 1980s and focused naturally on narcoterrorism, a phrase coined by Peru’s President Belaunde Terry to describe the terrorist attacks against anti-narcotics police in Peru.

the links between narcotics trafficking and terror groups exist in many regions of the world but that it is difficult to make generalizations about the terror- crime nexus.

 

International relations theorists have also produced a group of scholarly works that examine organized crime and terrorism (i.e., agents or processes) as objects of investigation for their paradigms. While in some cases, the frames of reference international relations scholars employed proved too general for the purposes of this report, the team found that these works demonstrated more environmental or behavioral aspects of the interaction.

2.3 Data collection

Much of the information in the report that follows was taken from open sources, including government reports, private and academic journal articles, court documents and media accounts.

To ensure accuracy in the collection of data, we adopted standards and methods to form criteria for accepting data from open sources. In order to improve accuracy and reduce bias, we attempted to corroborate every piece of data collected from one secondary source with data from a further source that was independent of the original source — that is, the second source did not quote the first source. Second, particularly when using media sources, we checked subsequent reporting by the same publication to find out whether the subject was described in the same way as before. Third, we sought a more heterogeneous data set by examining foreign-language documents from non-U.S. sources. We also obtained primary- source materials such as declassified intelligence reports from the Republic of Georgia, that helped to clarify and confirm the data found in secondary sources.

Since all these meetings were confidential, it was agreed in all cases that the information given was not for attribution by name.

For each of these studies, researchers traveled to the regions a number of times to collect information. Their work was combined with relevant secondary sources to produce detailed case studies presented later in the report. The format of the case studies followed the tenets outlined by Robert Yin, who proposes that case studies offer an advantage to researchers who present data illustrating complex relationships – such as the link between organized crime and terror.

 

2.4. Research goals

This project aimed to discover whether terrorist and organized crime groups would borrow one another’s methods, or cooperate, by what means, and how investigators and analysts could locate and assess crime-terror interactions. This led to an examination of why this overlap or interaction takes place. Are the benefits merely logistical or do both sides derive some long-term gains such as undermining the capacity of the state to detect and curtail their activities?

preparation of the investigative environment (PIE), by adapting a long-held military practice called intelligence preparation of the battlespace (IPB). The IPB method anticipates enemy locations and movements in order to obtain the best position for a commander’s limited battlefield resources and troops. The goal of PIE is similar to that of IPB—to provide investigators and analysts a strategic and discursive analytical method to identify areas ripe for locating terror and crime interactions, confirm their existence and then assess the ramifications of these collaborations. The PIE approach provides twelve watch points within which investigators and analysts can identify those areas most likely to contain crime-terror interactions.

The PIE methodology was designed with the investigator and analyst in mind, and thus PIE demonstrates how to establish investigations in a way that expend resources most fruitfully. The PIE methodology shows how insights can be gained from analysts to help practitioners identify problems and organize their investigations more effectively.

2.5. Research challenges

Our first challenge in investigating the links between organized crime and terrorism was to obtain enough data to provide an accurate portrayal of that relationship. Given the secrecy of all criminal organizations, many traditional methods of quantitative and qualitative research were not viable. Nonetheless we con- ducted numerous interviews, and obtained identified statements from investigators and policy officials. Records of legal proceedings, criminal records, and terrorist incident reports were also important data sources.

The strategy underlying the collection of data was to focus on the sources of interaction wherever they were located (e.g., developing countries and urban areas), rather than on instances of interaction in developed countries like the September 11th or the Madrid bombing investigations. In so doing, the project team hoped to avoid characterizing the problem “from out there.”

 

All three case studies high- light patterns of association that are particularly visible, frequent, and of lengthy duration. Because the conflict regions in the case studies also contribute to crime in the United States, our view was these models were needed to perceive patterns of association that are less visible in other environments. A further element in the selection of these regions was practical: in each one, researchers affiliated with the project had access to reliable sources with first-hand knowledge of the subject matter. Our hypothesis was that some of the most easy to detect relations would be in these societies that are so corrupted and with such limited enforcement that the phenomena might be more open for analysis and disclosure than in environments where this is more covert.

  1. A new analytical approach: PIE

Investigators seeking to detect a terrorist activity before an incident takes place are overwhelmed by data.

A counterterrorist analyst at the Central Intelligence Agency took this further, noting that the discovery of crime-terror interactions was often the accidental result of analysis on a specific terror group, and thus rarely was connected to the criminal patterns of other terror groups.

IPB is an attractive basis for analyzing the behavior of criminal and terrorist groups because it focuses on evidence about their operational behavior as well as the environment in which they operate. This evidence is plentiful: communications, financial transactions, organizational forms and behavioral patterns can all be analyzed using a form of IPB.

the project team has devised a methodology based on IPB, which we have termed preparation of the investigation environment, or PIE. We define PIE as a concept in which investigators and analysts organize existing data to identify areas of high potential for collaboration between terrorists and organized criminals in order to focus next on developing specific cases of crime-terror interaction—thereby generating further intelligence for the development of early warning on planned terrorist activity.

While IPB is chiefly a method of eliminating data that is not likely to be relevant, our PIE method also provides positive indicators about where relevant evidence should be sought.

3.1 The theoretical basis for the PIE Method

Donald Cressey’s famous study of organized crime in the U.S., with the analogy of an archeological dig, was the starting point for our model of crime-terror cooperation.35 As Cressey defines it, archeologists first examine documentary sources to collect what is known and develop a map based on what is known. That map allows the investigator to focus on those areas that are not known—that is, the archeologist uses the map to focus on where to dig. The map also serves as a context within which artifacts discovered during the dig can be evaluated for their significance. For example, discovery of a bowl at a certain depth and location can provide information to the investigator concerning the date of an encampment and who established it.

The U.S. Department of Defense defines IPB as an analytical methodology employed to reduce un- certainties concerning the enemy, environment, and terrain for all types of operations. Intelligence preparation of the battlespace builds an extensive database for each potential area in which a unit may be re- quired to operate. The database is then analyzed in detail to determine the impact of the enemy, environment, and terrain on operations and presents it in graphic form.36 Alongside Cressey’s approach, IPB was selected as a second basis of our methodological approach.

Territory outside the control of the central state such as exists in failed or failing states, poorly regulated or border regions (especially those regions surrounding the intersection of multiple borders), and parts of otherwise viable states where law and order is absent or compromised, including urban quarters populated by diaspora communities or penal institutions, are favored locales for crime-terror interactions.

3.2 Implementing PIE as an investigative tool

Organized crime and terrorist groups have significant differences in their organizational form, culture, and goals. Bruce Hoffman notes that terrorist organizations can be further categorized based on their organizational ideology.

In converting IPB to PIE, we defined a series of watch points based on organizational form, goals, culture and other aspects to ensure PIE is flexible enough to compare a transnational criminal syndicate or a traditional crime hierarchy with an ethno-nationalist terrorist faction or an apocalyptic terror group.

The standard operating procedures and means by which military units are expected to achieve their battle plan are called doctrine, which is normally spelled out in great detail as manuals and training regimens. The doctrine of an opposing force thus is an important part of an IPB analysis. Such information is equally important to PIE, but is rarely found in manuals nor is it as highly developed as military doctrines.

Once the organizational forms, terrain and behavior of criminal and terrorist groups were defined at this level of detail, we settled on 12 watch points to cover the three components of PIE. For example, the watch point entitled organizational goals examines what the goals of organized crime and terror groups can tell investigators about potential collaboration or overlap between the two.

Investigators using PIE will collect evidence systematically through the investigation of watch points and analyze the data through its application to one or more indicators. That in turn will enable them to build a case for making timely predictions about crime-terror cooperation or overlap. Conversely, PIE also provides a mechanism for ruling out such links.

The indicators are designed to reduce the fundamental uncertainty associated with seemingly disparate or unrelated pieces of information. They also serve as a way of constructing probable cause, with evidence triggering indicators.

Although some watch points may generate ambiguous indicators of interaction between terror and crime, providing investigators and analysts with negative evidence of collusion between criminals and terrorists also has the practical benefit of steering scarce resources toward higher pay-off areas for detecting cooperation between the groups.

3.3. PIE composition: Watch points and indicators

The first step for PIE is to identify those areas where terror-crime collaborations are most likely to occur. To prepare this environment, PIE asks investigators and analysts to engage in three preliminary analyses. These are first to map where particular criminal and terrorist groups are likely to be operating, both in physical geographic terms and through information traditional and electronic media; secondly, to develop typologies for the behavior patterns of the groups and, when possible, their broader networks (often represented chronologically as a timeline); thirdly, to detail the organizations of specific crime and terror groups and, as feasible, their networks.

The geographical areas where terrorists and criminals are highly likely to be cooperating are known in IPB parlance as named areas of interest, or localities that are highly likely to support military operations. In PIE they are referred to as watch points.

A critical function of PIE is to set sensible priorities for analysts.

The second step of a PIE analysis concentrates on the watch points to identify named areas of inter- action where overlaps between crime and terror groups are most likely. The PIE method expresses areas of interest geographically but remains focused on the overlap between terrorism and organized crime.

the three preliminary analyses mentioned above are deconstructed into watch points, which are broad categories of potential crime-terror interactions.

the use of PIE leads to the early detection of named areas of interest through the analysis of watch points, providing investigators the means of concentrating their focus on terror-crime interactions and thereby enhancing their ability to detect possible terrorist planning.

The third and final step is for the collection and analysis of information that indicates organizational, operational or other nodes whereby criminals and terrorists appear to interact. While watch points are broad categories, they are composed of specific indicators of how organized criminals and terrorists might cooperate. These specific patterns of behavior help to confirm or deny that a watch point is applicable.

If several indicators are present, or if the indicators are particularly clear, this bolsters the evidence that a particular type of terror-crime interaction is present. No single indicator is likely to provide ‘smoking gun’ evidence of a link, although examples of this have occasionally arisen. Instead, PIE is a holistic approach that collects evidence systematically in order to make timely predictions of an affiliation, or not, between specific criminal and terrorist groups.

For policy analysts and planners, indicators reduce the sampling risk that is unavoidable for anyone collecting seemingly disparate and unrelated pieces of evidence. For investigators, indicators serve as a means of constructing probable cause. Indeed, even negative evidence of interaction has the practical benefit of helping investigators and analysts manage their scarce resources more efficiently.

3.4 The PIE approach in practice: Two Cases

the process began with the collection of relevant information (scanning) that was then placed into the larger context of watch points and indicators (codification) in order to produce the aforementioned analytical insights (abstraction).

 

Each case will describe how the TraCCC team shared (diffusion) its findings in or- der to obtain validation and to have an impact on practitioners fighting terrorism and/or organized crime.

3.4.1 The Georgia Case

In 2003-4, TraCCC used the PIE approach to identify one of the largest money laundering cases ever successfully prosecuted. The PIE method helped close down a major international vehicle for money laundering. The ability to organize the financial records from a major money launderer allowed the construction of a significant network that allowed understanding of the linkages among major criminal groups whose relationship has not previously been acknowledged.

Some of the information most pertinent to Georgia included but that was not limited to:

  1. Corrupt Georgian officials held high law enforcement positions prior to the Rose Revolution and maintained ties to crime and terror groups that allowed them to operate with impunity;
  2. Similar patterns of violence were found among organized crime and terrorist groups operating in Georgia;
  3. Numerous banks, corrupt officials and other providers of illicit goods and services assisted both organized crime and terrorists
  4. Regions of the country supported criminal infrastructures useful to organized crime and terrorists alike, including Abkhazia, Ajaria and Ossetia.

Combined with numerous other pieces of information and placed into the PIE watch point structure, the resulting analysis triggered a sufficient number of indicators to suggest that further analysis was warranted to try to locate a crime-terror interaction.

 

The second step of the PIE analysis was to examine information within the watch points for connections that would suggest patterns of interaction between specific crime and terror groups. These points of interaction are identified in the Black Sea case study but the most successful identification was found from an analysis of the watch point that specifically examined the financial environment that would facilitate the link between crime and terrorism.

The TraCCC team began its investigation within this watch point by identifying the sectors of the Georgian economy that were most conducive to economic crime and money laundering. This included such sectors as energy, railroads and banking. All of these sectors were found to be highly criminalized.

Only by having researchers with knowledge of the economic climate, the nature of the business community and the banking sector determined that investigative resources needed to be concentrated on the “G” bank. By knowing the terrain, investigative focus was focused on “G” bank by the newly established financial investigative unit of the Central Bank. A six-month analysis of the G bank and its transactions enabled the development of a massive network analysis that facilitated prosecution in Georgia and may lead to prosecutions in major financial centers that were previously unable to address some crime groups, at least one of which was linked to a terrorist group.

Using PIE allowed a major intelligence breakthrough.

First, it located a large facilitator of dirty money. Second, the approach was able to map fundamental connections between crime and terror groups. Third, the analysis highlighted the enormous role that purely “dirty banks” housed in countries with small economies can provide as a service for transnational crime and even terrorism.

While specific details must remain sealed due to deference to ongoing legal proceedings, to date the PIE analysis has grown into investigations in Switzerland, and others in the US and Georgia.

the PIE approach is one that favors the construction and prosecution of viable cases.

the PIE approach is a platform for starting and later focusing investigations. When coupled with investigative techniques like network analysis, the PIE approach supports the construction and eventual prosecution of cases against organized crime and terrorist suspects.

3.4.2 Russian Closed Cities

In early 2005, a US government agency asked TraCCC to identify how terrorists are potentially trying to take advantage of organized crime groups and corruption to obtain fissile material in a specific region of Russia—one that is home to a number of sensitive weapons facilities located in so-called “closed cities.” The project team assembled a wealth of information concerning the presence and activities of both criminal and terror groups in the region in question, but was left with the question of how best to organize the data and develop significant conclusions.

The project’s information supported connections in 11 watch points, including:

  • A vast increase in the prevalence of violence in the region, especially in economic sectors with close ties to organized crime;
  • Commercial ties in the drug trade between crime groups in the region and Islamic terror groups formerly located in Afghanistan;
  • Rampant corruption in all levels of the regional government and law enforcement mechanisms, rendering portions of the region nearly ungovernable;
  • The presence of numerous regional and transnational crime groups as well as recruiters for Islamic groups on terrorist watch lists;

employment of the watch points prompted creative leads to important connections that were not readily apparent until placed into the larger context of the PIE analytical framework. Specifically, the analysis might not have included evidence of trust links and cultural ties between crime and terror groups had the PIE approach not explained their utility.

When the TraCCC team applied the PIE to the closed cities case, the team found using the technologies reduced time analyzing data while improving the analytical rigor of the task. For example, structured queries of databases and online search engines provided information quickly. Likewise, network mapping improved analytical rigor by codifying the links between numerous actors (e.g., crime groups, terror groups, workers at weapons facilities and corrupt officials) in local, regional and transnational contexts.

3.5 Emergent behavior and automation

The dynamic nature of crime and terror groups complicates the IPB to PIE transition. The spectrum of cooperation demonstrates that crime-terror intersections are emergent phenomena.

PIE must have feedback loops to cope with the emergent behavior of crime and terror groups

when the project team spoke with analysts and investigators, the one deficiency they noted was the ability to conduct strategic intelligence given their operational tempo.

  1. The terror-crime interaction spectrum

In formulating PIE, we recognized that crime and terrorist groups are more diverse in nature than military units. They may be networks or hierarchies, they have a variety of cultures rather than a disciplined code of behavior, and their goals are far less clear. Hoffman notes that terrorist groups can be further categorized based on their organizational ideology.

Other researchers have found significant evidence of interaction between terrorism and organized crime, often in support of the general observation that while their methods might converge, the basic motives of crime and terror groups would serve to keep them at arm’s length—thus the term “methods, not motives.”41 Indeed, the differences between the two are plentiful: terrorists pursue political or religious objectives through overt violence against civilians and military targets. They turn to crime for the money they need to survive and operate.

Criminal groups, on the other hand, are focused on making money. Any use of violence tends to be concealed, and is generally focused on tactical goals such as intimidating witnesses, eliminating competitors or obstructing investigators.

In a corrupt environment, the two groups find common cause.

Terrorists often find it expedient, even necessary, to deal with outsiders to get funding and logistical support for their operations. As such interactions are repeated over time, concerns arise that criminal and terrorist organizations will integrate and might even form new types of organizations.

Support for this point can be found in the seminal work of Sutherland, who has argued that the “in- tensity and duration” of an association with criminals makes an individual more likely to adopt criminal behavior. In conflict regions, where there is intensive interaction between criminals and terrorists, there is more shared behavior and a process of mutual learning that goes on.

The dynamic relationship between international terror and transnational crime has important strategic implications for the United States.

The result is a model known as the terror-crime interaction spectrum that depicts the relationship between terror and criminal groups and the different forms it takes.

Each form of interaction represents different, yet specific, threats, as well as opportunities for detection by law enforcement and intelligence agencies.

An interview with a retired member of the Chicago organized crime investigative unit revealed that it had investigated taxi companies and taxicab owners as cash-based money launderers. Logic suggests that terrorists may also be benefiting from the scheme. But this line of investigation was not pursued in the 9/11 investigations although two of the hijackers had worked as taxi drivers.

Within the spectrum, processes we refer to as activity appropriation, nexus, symbiotic relationship, hybrid, and transformation illustrate the different forms of interaction between a terrorist group and an organized crime group, as well as the behavior of a single group engaged in both terrorism and organized crime.

While activity appropriation does not represent organizational linkages between crime and terror groups, it does capture the merger of methods that were well-documented in section 2. Activity appropriation is one way that terrorists are exposed to organized crime activities and, as Chris Dishman has noted, can lead to a transformation of terror cells into organized crime groups.

Applying the Sutherland principle of differential association, these activities are likely to bring a terror group into regular contact with organized crime. As they attempt to acquire forged documents, launder money, or pay bribes, it is a natural step to draw on the support and expertise of the criminal group, which is likely to have more experience in these activities. It is referred to here as a nexus.

terrorists first engage in “do it yourself” organized crime and then turn to organized crime groups for specialized services like document forgery or money laundering.

In most cases a nexus involves the criminals providing goods and services to terrorists for payment although it can work in both directions. A typically short-term relation- ship, a nexus does not imply that the criminals share the ideological views of the terrorists, merely that the transaction offers benefits to both sides.

After all, they have many needs in common: safe havens, false documentation, evasive tactics, and other strategies to lower the risk of being detected. In Latin America, transnational criminal gangs have employed terrorist groups to guard their drug processing plants. In Northern Ireland, terrorists have provided protection for human smuggling operations by the Chinese Triads.

If the nexus continues to benefit both sides over a period of time, the relationship will deepen. More members of both groups will cooperate, and the groups will create structures and procedures for their business transactions, transfer skills and/or share best practices. We refer to this closer, more sustained cooperation as a symbiotic relationship, and define it as a relationship of mutual benefit or dependence.

In the next stage, the two groups continue to cooperate over a long period and members of the organized crime group begin to share the ideological goals of the terrorists. They grow increasingly alike and finally they merge. That process results in a hybrid or dark network49 that has been memorably described as terrorist by day and criminal by night.50 Such an organization engages in criminal acts but also has a political agenda. Both the criminal and political ends are forwarded by the use of violence and corruption.

These developments are not inevitable, but result from a series of opportunities that can lead to the next stage of cooperation. It is important to recognize, however, that even once the two groups have reached the point of hybrid, there is no reason per se to suspect that transformation will follow. Likewise, a group may persist with borrowed methods indefinitely without ever progressing to cooperation. In Italy and elsewhere, crime groups that also engaged in terrorism never found a terrorist partner and thus remained at the activity appropriation stage. Eventually they ended their terrorist activities and returned to the exclusive pursuit of organized crime.

Interestingly, the TraCCC team found no example where a terrorist group engaging in organized crime, either through activity appropriation or through an organizational linkage, came into conflict with a criminal group.51 Neither archival sources nor our interviews revealed such a conflict over “turf,” though logic would suggest that organized crime groups would react to such forms of competition.

The spectrum does not create exact models of the evolution of criminal-terrorist cooperation. In- deed, the evidence presented both here and in prior studies suggests that a single evolutionary path for crime-terror interactions does not exist. Environmental factors outside the control of either organization and the varied requirements of specific organized crime or terrorist groups are but two of the reasons that interactions appear more idiosyncratic than generalizable.

Using the PIE method, investigators and analysts can gain an understanding of the terror-crime intersection by analyzing evidence sourced from communications, financial transactions, organizational charts, and behavior. They can also apply the methodology to analyze watch points where the two entities may interact. Finally, using physical, electronic, and data surveillance, they can develop indicators showing where watch points translate into practice.

  1. The significance of terror-crime interactions in geographic terms

Some shared characteristics arose from examining this case. First, both neighborhoods shared similar diaspora compositions and a lack of effective or interested policing. Second, both terror cells had strong connections to the shadow economy.

the case demonstrated that each cell shared three factors—poor governance, a sense of ethnic separation amongst the cell (supported by the nature of the larger diaspora neighborhoods), and a tradition of organized crime.

U.S. intelligence and law enforcement are naturally inclined to focus on manifestations of organized crime and terrorism in their own country, but they would benefit from studying and assessing patterns and behavior of crime in other countries as well as areas of potential relevance to terrorism.

When turning to the situation overseas, one can differentiate between longstanding crime groups and their more recently formed counterparts according to their relationship to the state. With the exception of Colombia, rarely do large, established (i.e., “traditional”) crime organizations link with terrorists. These groups possess long-held financial interests that would suffer should the structures of the state and the international financial community come to be undermined. Through corruption and movement into the lawful economy, these groups minimize the risk of prosecution and therefore do not fear the power of state institutions.

Developing countries with weak economies, a lack of social structures, many desperate, hungry people, and a history of unstable government are both relatively likely to provide ideological and economic foundations for both organized crime and terrorism within their borders and relatively unlikely to have much capacity to combat either of them. Conflict zones have traditionally provided tremendous opportunities for smuggling and corruption and reduced oversight capacities, as regulatory and enforcements be- come almost solely directed at military targets. They are therefore especially vulnerable to both serious organized crime and violent activity directed at civilian populations for political goals – as well as cooperation between those engaging in pure criminal activities and those engaging in politically-motivated violence.

Post-conflict zones are also likely to spawn such cooperation; as such areas often retain weak enforcement capacity for some time following an end to formal hostilities.

these patterns of criminal behavior and organization can arise from areas as diverse as conflict zones overseas (which then tend can replicate once they arrive in the U.S.) to neighborhoods in U.S. cities. The problematic combinations of poor governance, ethnic separation from larger society, and a tradition of criminal activity (frequently international) are the primary concerns behind this broad taxonomy of geographic locales for crime-terror interaction.

  1. Watch points and indicators

Taking the evidence of cooperation between organized crime and terrorism, we have generated 12 specific areas of interaction, which we refer to as watch points. In turn these watch points are subdivided into a number of indicators that point out where interaction between terror and crime may be taking place.

These watch points cover a variety of habits and operating modes of organized crime and terrorist groups.

We have organized our watch points into three categories: environmental, organizational, and behavioral. Each of the following sections details one of the twelve watch points.

 

Watch Point 1: Open activities in the legitimate economy

Watch Point 2: Shared illicit nodes

Watch Point 3: Communications

Watch Point 4: Use of information technology (IT)

Watch Point 5: Violence

Watch Point 6: Use of corruption

Watch Point 7: Financial transactions & money laundering

Watch Point 8: Organizational structures

Watch Point 9: Organizational goals

Watch Point 10: Culture

Watch Point 11: Popular support

Watch Point 12: Trust

 

6.1. Watch Point 1: Open activities in the legitimate economy

The many indicators of possible links include habits of travel, the use of mail and courier services, and the operation of fronts.

Organized crime and terror may be associated with subterfuge and secrecy, but both criminal types engage legitimate society quite openly for particular political purposes. Yet in the first instance, criminal groups are likely to leave greater “traces,” especially when they operate in societies with functioning governments, than do terrorist groups.

Terrorist groups usually seek to make common cause with segments of society that will support their goals, particularly the very poor and the disadvantaged. Terrorists usually champion repressed or dis- enfranchised ethnic and religious minorities, describing their terrorist activities as mechanisms to pressure the government for greater autonomy and freedom, even independence, for these minorities… the openly take responsibility for their attacks, but their operational mechanisms are generally kept secret, and any ongoing contacts they may have with legitimate organizations are carefully hidden.

Criminal groups, like terrorists, may have political goals. For example, such groups may seek to strengthen their legitimacy through donating some of their profits to charity. Colombian drug traffickers are generous in their support of schools and local sports teams.5

criminals of all types could scarcely carry out criminal activities, maintain their cover, and manage their money flows without doing legal transactions with legitimate businesses.

Travel: Frequent use of passenger carriers and shipping companies are potential indicators of illicit activity. Clues can be gleaned from almost any pattern of travel that can be identified as such.

Mail and courier services: Indicators of interaction are present in the tracking information on international shipments of goods, which also generate customs records. Large shipments require bills-of-lading and other documentation. Analysis of such transactions, cross-referenced with in- formation on crime databases, can identify links between organized crime and terrorist groups.

Fronts: A shared front company or mutual connections to legitimate businesses are clearly also indicators of interaction.

Watch Point 2: Shared illicit nodes

 

The significance of overt operations by criminal groups should not be overstated. Transnational crime and terror groups alike carry out their operations for the most part with illegal and undercover methods. There are many similarities in these tactics. Both organized criminals and terrorists need forged pass- ports, driver’s licenses, and other fraudulent documents. Dishonest accountants and bankers help criminals launder money and commit fraud. Arms and explosives, training camps and safe houses are other goods and services that terrorists obtain illicitly.

Fraudulent Documents. Groups of both types may use the same sources of false documents,

or the same techniques, indicating cooperation or overlap. A criminal group often develops an expertise in false document production as a business, expanding production and building a customer base.

 

Some of the 9/11 hijackers fraudulently obtained legitimate driver’s licenses through a fraud ring based at an office of DMV in the Virginia suburbs of Washington, DC. Ac- cording to an INS investigator, this ring was under investigation well before the 9/11 attacks, but there was insufficient political will inside the INS to take the case further.

Arms Suppliers. Both terror and organized crime might use the same supplier, or the same distinctive method of doing business, such as bartering weapons or drugs. In 2001 the Basque terror group ETA contracted with factions of the Italian Camorra to obtain missile launchers and ammunition in return for narcotics.

Financial experts. Bankers and financial professionals who assist organized crime might also have terrorist affiliations. The methods of money laundering long used by narcotics traffickers and other organized crime have now been adopted by some terrorist groups.

 

Drug Traffickers. Drug trafficking is the single largest source of revenues for international organized crime. Substantial criminal groups often maintain well-established smuggling routes to distribute drugs. Such an infrastructure would be valuable to terrorists who purchased weapons of mass destruction and needed to transport them.

 

Other Criminal Enterprises. An increasing number of criminal enterprises outside of narcotics smuggling are serving the financial or logistical ends of terror groups and thus serve as nodes of interaction. For example, piracy on the high seas, a growing threat to maritime commerce, often depends on the collusion of port authorities, which are controlled in many cases by organized crime.

These relationships are particularly true of developed countries with effective law enforcement, since criminals obviously need to be more cautious and often restrict their operations to covert activity. In conflict zones, however, criminals of all types feel even less restraint about flaunting their illegal nature, since there is little chance of being detected or apprehended.

Watch Point 3: Communications

 

The Internet, mobile phones and satellite communications enable criminals and terrorists to communicate globally in a relatively secure fashion. FARC, in concert with Colombian drug cartels, offered training on how to set up narcotics trafficking businesses used secure websites and email to handle registration.

Such scenarios are neither hypothetical nor anecdotal. Interviews with an analyst at the US Drug Enforcement Administration revealed that narcotics cartels were increasingly using encryption in their digital communications. In turn, the agent interviewed stated that the same groups were frequently turning to information technology experts to provide them encryption to help secure their communications.

Nodes of interaction therefore include:

  • Technical overlap: Examples exist where organized crime groups opened their illegal communications systems to any paying customer, thus providing a service to other criminals and terrorists among others. For example, a recent investigation found clandestine telephone exchanges in the Tri-Border region of South America that were connected to Jihadist networks. Most were located in Brazil, since calls between Middle Eastern countries and Brazil would elicit less suspicion and thus less chance of electronic eavesdropping.
  • Personnel overlap: Crime and terror groups that recruit common high-tech specialists to their cause. Given their ability to encrypt messages, criminals of all kinds may rely on outsiders to carry the message. Smuggling networks all have operatives who can act as couriers, and terrorists have networks of sympathizers in ethnic diasporas who can also help.

Watch Point 4: Use of information technology (IT)

 

Organized crime has devised IT-based fraud schemes such as online gambling, securities fraud, and pirating of intellectual property. Such schemes appeal to terror groups, too, particularly given the relative anonymity that digital transactions offer. Investigators into the Bali disco bombing of 2002 found that the laptop computer of the ringleader, Imam Samudra, contained a primer he authored on how to use online fraud to finance operations. Evidence of terror groups’ involvement is a significant set of indicators of cooperation or overlap.

Indicators of possible cooperation or nodes of interaction include:

Fundraising: Online fraud schemes and other uses of IT for obtaining ill-gotten gains are already well-established by organized crime groups and terrorists are following suit. Such IT- assisted criminal activities serve as another node of overlap for crime and terror groups, and thus expand the area of observation beyond the brick-and-mortar realm into cyberspace (i.e., investigators now expect to find evidence of collaboration on the Internet or in email as much as through telephone calls or postal services).

  • Use of technical experts: While no evidence exists that criminals and terrorists have directly cooperated to conduct cybercrime or cyberterrorism, they are often served by the same technical experts.

Watch Point 5: Violence

 

Violence is not so much a tactic of terrorists as their defining characteristic. These acts of violence are designed to obtain publicity for the cause, to create a climate of fear, or to provoke political repression, which they hope will undermine the legitimacy of the authorities. Terrorist attacks are deliberately highly visible in order to enhance their impact on the public consciousness. Indiscriminate violence against innocent civilians is therefore more readily ascribed to terrorism.

no examples exist where terrorists have engaged criminal groups for violent acts.

A more significant challenge lies in trying to discern generalities about organized crime’s patterns of violence. Categorizing patterns of violence according to their scope or their promulgation is suspect. In the past, crime groups have used violence selectively and quietly to achieve their goals, but then have also used violence broadly and loudly to achieve other goals. Neither can one categorize organized crime’s violence according to goals as social, political and economic considerations often overlap in every attack or campaign.

Violence is therefore an important watch point that may not yield specific indicators of crime-terror interaction per se but can serve to frame the likelihood that an area might support terror-crime interaction.

Watch Point 6: Use of corruption

 

Both terrorists and organized criminals bribe government officials to undermine the work of law enforcement and regulation. Corrupt officials assist criminals by exerting pressure on businesses that refuse to cooperate with organized crime groups, or by providing passports for terrorists. The methods of corruption are diverse on both sides and include payments, the provision of illegal goods, the use of compromising information to extort cooperation, and outright infiltration of a government agency or other target.

Many studies have demonstrated that organized crime groups often evolve in places where the state cannot guarantee law or order, or provide basic health care, education, and social services. The absence of effective law enforcement combines with rampant corruption to make well-organized criminals nearly invulnerable.

Colombia may be the only example of a conflict zone where a major transnational crime group with very large profits is directly and openly connected to terrorists. The interaction between the FARC and ELN terror groups and the drug syndicates provides crucial important financial resources for the guerillas to operate against the Colombian state – and against each another. This is facilitated by universal corruption, from top government officials to local police. Corruption has served as the foundation for the growth of the narcotics cartels and insurgent/terrorist groups.

In the search for indicators, it would be simplistic to look for a high level of corruption, particularly in conflict zones. Instead, we should pose a series of questions:

Cooperation Are terrorist and criminal groups working together to minimize cost and maximize leverage from corrupt individuals and institutions?

Division of labor Are terrorist and criminal groups purposefully corrupting the areas they have most contact with? In the case of crime groups, that would be law enforcement and the judiciary; in the case of terrorists, the intelligence and security services.

  • Autonomy Are corruption campaigns carried out by one or both groups completely independent of the other?

These indicators can be applied to analyze a number of potential targets of corruption. Personnel that can provide protection or services are often mentioned as the target of corruption. Examples include law enforcement, the judiciary, border guards, politicians and elites, internal security agents and Consular officials. Economic aid and foreign direct investment are also targeted as sources of funds by criminals and terrorists that they can access by means of corruption.

 

Watch Point 7: Financial transactions & money laundering

 

despite the different purposes that may be involved in their respective uses of financial institutions (organized crime seeking to turn illicit funds into licit funds; terrorists seeking to move licit funds to use them for illicit means), the groups tend to share a common infrastructure for carrying out their financial activities. Both types of groups need reliable means of moving, and laundering money in many different jurisdictions, and as a result, both use similar methods to move money internationally. Both use charities and front groups as a cover for money flows.

Possible indicators include:

  • Shared methods of money laundering
  • Mutual use of known front companies and banks, as well as financial experts.

Watch Point 8: Organizational structures

 

The traditional model of organized crime used by U.S. law enforcement is that of the Sicilian Mafia – a hierarchical, conservative organization embedded in the traditional social structures of southern Italy… among today’s organized crime groups the Sicilian mafia is more of an exception than the rule.

Most organized crime now operates not as a hierarchy but as a decentralized, loose-knit network – which is a crucial similarity to terror groups. Networks offer better security, make intelligence-gathering more efficient, cover geographic distances and span diverse memberships more effectively.

Membership dynamics Both terror and organized crime groups – with the exception of the Sicilian Mafia and other traditional crime groups (i.e., Yakuza) – are made up of members with loose, relatively short-term affiliations to each other and even to the group itself. They can readily be recruited by other groups. By this route, criminals have become terrorists.

Scope of organization Terror groups need to make constant efforts to attract and recruit new members. Obvious attempts to attract individuals from crime groups are a clear indication of co- operation. An intercepted phone conversation in May 2004 by a suspected terrorist called Rabei Osman Sayed Ahmed revealed his recruitment tactics: “You should also know that I have met other brothers, that slowly I have created with a few things. First, they were drug pushers, criminals, I introduced them to the faith and now they are the first ones who ask when the moment of the jihad will be…”

Need to buy, wish to sell Often the business transactions between the two sides operate in both directions. Terrorist groups are not just customers for the services of organized crime, but often act as suppliers, too. Arms supply by terrorists is particularly marked in certain conflict zones. Thus, any criminal group found to be supplying outsiders with goods or services should be investigated for its client base too.

Investigators who discovered the money laundering in the above example were able to find out more about the terrorists’ activities too. The Islamic radical cell that planned the Madrid train bombings of 2004 was required to support itself financially through a business venture despite its initial funding by Al Qaeda.

Watch Point 9: Organizational goals

 

In theory, their different goals are what set terrorists apart from the perpetrators of organized crime. Terrorist groups are most often associated with political ends, such as change in leadership regimes or the establishment of an autonomous territory for a subnational group. Even millenarian and apocalyptic terrorist groups, such as the science-fiction mystics of Aum Shinrikyo, often include some political objectives. Organized crime, on the other hand, is almost always focused on personal enrichment.

By cataloging the different – and shifting – goals of terror and organized crime groups, we can develop indicators of convergence or divergence. This will help identify shared aspirations or areas where these aims might bring the two sides into conflict. On this basis, investigators can ask what conditions might prompt either side to adopt new goals or to fall back to basic goals, such as self-preservation.

Long view or short-termism

Affiliations of protagonists

 

Watch Point 10: Culture

 

Both terror and criminal groups use ideologies to maintain their internal identity and provide external justifications for their activities. Religious terror groups adopt and may alter the teachings of religious scholars to suggest divine support for their cause, while Italian, Chinese, Japanese, and other organized crime groups use religious and cultural themes to win public acceptance. Both types use ritual and tradition to construct and maintain their identity. Tattoos, songs, language, and codes of conduct are symbolic to both.

Religious affiliations, strong nationalist sentiments and strong roots in the local community are often characteristics that cause organized criminals to shun any affiliation with terrorists. Conversely, the absence of such affiliations means that criminals have fewer constraints keeping them from a link with terrorists.

In any organization, culture connects and strengthens ties between members. For networks, cultural features can also serve as a bridge to other networks.

  • Religion Many criminal and terrorist groups feature religion prominently.
  • Nationalism Ethno-nationalist insurgencies and criminal groups with deep historical roots are particularly likely to play the nationalist card.
  • Society Many criminal and terrorist networks adapt cultural aspects of the local and regional societies in which they operate to include local tacit knowledge, as contained in narrative traditions. Manuel Castells notes the attachment of drug traffickers to their country, and to their regions of origin. “They were/are deeply rooted in their cultures, traditions, and regional societies. …they have also revived local cultures, rebuilt rural life, strongly affirmed their religious feeling, and their beliefs in local saints and miracles, supported musical folklore (and were rewarded with laudatory songs from Colombian bards)…”

Watch Point 11: Popular support

 

Both organized crime and terrorist groups engage legitimate society in furtherance of their own agendas. In conflict zones, this may be done quite openly, while under the rule of law they are obliged to do so covertly. One way of doing so is to pay lip service to the interests of certain ethnic groups or social classes. Organized crime is particularly likely to make an appeal to disadvantaged people or people in certain professionals though paternalistic actions that make them a surrogate for the state. For instance, the Japanese Yakuza crime groups provided much-needed assistance to the citizens of Kobe after the serious earthquake there. Russian organized crime habitually supports cultural groups and sports troupes.

 

Both crime and terror derive crucial power and prestige through the support of their members and of some segment of the public at large. This may reflect enlightened self-interest, when people see that the criminals are acting on their behalf and improving their well-being and personal security. But it is equally likely to be that people are afraid to resist a violent criminal group in their neighborhood

This quest for popular support and common cause suggests various indicators:

  • Sources Terror groups seek and sometimes obtain the assistance of organized crime based on the perceived worthiness of the terrorist cause, or because of their common cause against state authorities or other sources of opposition. In testimony before the U.S. House Committee on International Relations, Interpol Secretary General Ronald Noble made this point. One of his examples was that Lebanese syndicates in South America send funds to Hezbollah.
  • Means Groups that cooperate may have shared activities for gaining popular support such as political parties, labor movements, and the provision of social services.
  • Places In conflict zones where the government has lost authority to criminal groups, social welfare and public order might be maintained by the criminal groups that hold power.

 

Watch Point 12: Trust

Like business corporations, terrorist and organized crime groups must attract and retain talented, dedicated, and loyal personnel. These skills are at an even greater premium than in the legitimate economy because criminals cannot recruit openly. A further challenge is that law enforcement and intelligence services are constantly trying to infiltrate and dismantle criminal networks. Members’ allegiance to any such group is constantly tested and demonstrated through rituals such as the initiation rites…

We propose three forms of trust in this context, using as a basis Newell and Swan’s model for inter- personal trust within commercial and academic groups.94

Companion trust based on goodwill or personal friendships… In this context, indicators of terror-crime interaction would be when members of the two groups use personal bonds based on family, tribe, and religion to cement their working relationship. Efforts to recruit known associates of the other group, or in common recruiting pools such as diasporas, would be another indicator.

Competence trust, which Newell and Swan define as the degree to which one person depends upon another to perform the expected task.

Commitment or contract trust, where all actors understand the practical importance of their role in completing the task at hand.

  1. Case studies

7.1. The Tri-Border Area of Paraguay, Brazil, and Argentina

Chinese Triads such as the Fuk Ching, Big Circle Boys, and Flying Dragons are well established and believed to be the main force behind organized crime in CDE.

CDE is also a center of operations for several terrorist groups, including Al Qaeda, Hezbollah, Islamic Jihad, Gamaa Islamiya, and FARC.

Watch points

Crime and terrorism in the Tri-Border Area interact seamlessly, making it difficult to draw a clean line be- tween the types of persons and groups involved in each of these two activities. There is no doubt, however, that the social and economic conditions allow groups that are originally criminal in nature and groups whose primary purpose is terrorism to function and interact freely.

Organizational structure

Evidence from CDE suggests that some of the local structures used by both groups are highly likely to overlap. There is no indication, however, of any significant organizational overlap between the criminal and terrorist groups. Their cooperation, when it exists, is ad hoc and without any formal or lasting agreements, i.e., activity appropriation and nexus forms only.

Organizational goals

In this region, the short-term goals of criminals and terrorists converge. Both benefit from easy border crossings and the networks necessary to raise funds.

Culture Cultural affinities between criminal and terrorist groups in the Tri-Border Area include shared ethnicities, languages and religions.

It emerged that 400 to 1000 kilograms of cocaine may have been shipped on a monthly basis through the Tri-Border Area on its way to Sao Paulo and thence to the Middle East and Europe

Numerous arrests revealed the strong ties between entrepreneurs in CDE and criminal and potentially terrorist groups. From the evidence in CDE it seems that the two phenomena operate in rather separate cultural realities, focusing their operations within ethnic groups. But nor does culture serve as a major hindrance to cooperation between organized crime and terrorists.

Illicit activities and subterfuge

The evidence in CDE suggests that terrorists see it as logical and cost-effective to use the skills, contacts, communications and smuggling routes of established criminal networks rather than trying to gain the requisite experience and knowledge themselves. Likewise, terrorists appear to recognize that to strike out on their own risks potential turf conflicts with criminal groups.

There is a clear link between Hong Kong-based criminal groups that specialize in large-scale trafficking of counterfeit products such as music albums and software, and the Hezbollah cells active in the Tri-Border Area. Within their supplier-customer relationship, the Hong Kong crime groups smuggle contraband goods into the region and deliver them to Hezbollah operatives, who in turn profit from their sale. The proceeds are then used to fund the terrorist groups.

Open activities in the legitimate economy

The knowledge and skills potential of CDE is tremendous. While no specific examples exist to connect terrorist and criminal groups through the purchase of legal goods and services, it is obvious that the likelihood of this is high, given how the CDE economy is saturated with organized crime.

Support or sustaining activities

The Tri-Border Area has an usually large and efficient transport infrastructure, which naturally assists organized crime. In turn, the many criminals and terrorists using cover require a sophisticated and reliable document forgery industry. The ease with which these documents can be obtained in CDE is an indicator of cooperation between terrorists and criminals.

Brazilian intelligence services have evidence that Osama bin Laden visited CDE in 1995 and met with the members of the Arab community in the city’s mosque to talk about his experience as a mujahadeen fighter in the Afghan war against the Soviet Union.

Use of violence

Contract murder in CDE costs as little as one thousand dollars, and the frequent violence in CDE is directed at business people who refuse to bend to extortion by terror groups. Ussein Mohamed Taiyen, president of the CDE Chamber of Commerce, was one such victim—murdered because he refused to pay the tax.

Financial transactions and money laundering in 2000, money laundering in the Tri-Border Area was estimated at 12 billion U.S. dollars annually.

As many as 261 million U.S. dollars annually has been raised in Tri-Border Area and sent overseas to fund the terrorist activities of Hezbollah, Hamas, and Islamic Jihad.

Use of corruption

Most of the illegal activities in the Tri-Border Area bear the hallmark of corruption. In combination with the generally low effectiveness of state institutions, especially in Paraguay, and high level of corruption in that country, CDE appears to be a perfect environment for the logistical operations of both terrorists and organized criminals.

Even the few bona fide anti-corruption attempts made by the Paraguayan government have been under- mined because of the pervasive corruption, another example being the attempts to crack down on the Chinese criminal groups in CDE. The Consul General of Taiwan in CDE, Jorge Ho, stated that the Chinese groups were successful in bribing Paraguayan judges, effectively neutralizing law enforcement moves against the criminals.122

The other watch points described earlier – including fund raising and use of information technology – can also be illustrated with similar indicators of possible cooperation between terror and organized crime.

In sum, for the investigator or analyst seeking examples of perfect conditions for such cooperation, the Tri-Border Area is an obvious choice.

7.2. Crime and terrorism in the Black Sea region

Illicit or veiled operations Cigarette, drugs and arms smuggling have been major sources of financing of all the terrorist groups in the region.

Cigarette and alcohol smuggling has fueled the Kurdish-Turkish conflict as well as the terrorist violence in both the Abkhaz and Ossetian conflicts.

From the very beginning, the Chechen separatist movement had close ties with the Chechen crime rings in Russia, mainly operating in Moscow. These crime groups provided and some of them still provide financial sup- port for the insurgents.

  1. Conclusion and recommendations

The many examples in this report of cooperation between terrorism and organized crime make clear that the links between these two potent threats to national and global security are widespread, dynamic, and dangerous. It is only rational to consider the possibility that an effective organized crime group may have a connection with terrorists that has gone unnoticed so far.

Our key conclusion is that crime is not a peripheral issue when it comes to investigating possible terrorist activity. Efforts to analyze the phenomenon of terrorism without considering the crime component undermine all counter-terrorist activities, including those aimed at protecting sites containing weapons of mass destruction.

Yet the staffs of intelligence and law enforcement agencies in the United States are already over- whelmed. Their common complaint is that they do not have the time to analyze the evidence they possess, or to eliminate unnecessary avenues of investigation. The problem is not so much a dearth of data, but the lack of suitable tools to evaluate that data and make optimal decisions about when, and how, to investigate further.

Scrutiny and analysis of the interaction between terrorism and organized crime will become a matter of routine best practice. Aware- ness of the different forms this interaction takes, and the dynamic relationship between them, will become the basis for crime investigations, particularly for terrorism cases.

In conclusion, our overarching recommendation is that crime analysis must be central to understanding the patterns of terrorist behavior and cannot be viewed as a peripheral issue.

For policy analysts:

  1. More detailed analysis of the operation of illicit economies where criminals and terrorists interact would improve understanding of how organized crime operates, and how it cooperates with terrorists. Domestically, more detailed analysis of the businesses where illicit transactions are most common would help investigation of organized crime – and its affiliations. More focus on the illicit activities within closed ethnic communities in urban centers and in prisons in developed countries would prove useful in addressing potential threats.
  2. Corruption overseas, which is so often linked to facilitating organized crime and terrorism, should be elevated to a U.S. national security concern with an operational focus. After all, many jihadists are recruited because they are disgusted with the corrupt governments in their home countries. Corruption has facilitated the commission of criminal acts such as the Chechen suicide bombers who bribed airport personnel to board aircraft in Moscow.
  3. Analysts must study patterns of organized crime-terrorism interaction as guidance for what maybe observed subsequently in the United States.
  4. Intelligence and law enforcement agencies need more analysts with the expertise to understand the motivations and methods of criminal and terrorist groups around the globe, and with the linguistic and other skills to collect and analyze sufficient data.

For investigators:

  1. The separation of criminals and terrorists is not always as clear cut as many investigators believe. Crime and terrorists’ groups are often indistinguishable in conflict zones and in prisons.
  2. The hierarchical structure and conservative habits of the Sicilian Mafia no longer serves as an appropriate model for organized crime investigations. Most organized crime groups now operate as loose networked affiliations. In this respect they have more in common with terrorist groups.
  3. The PIE method provides a series of indicators that can result in superior profiles and higher- quality risk analysis for law enforcement agencies both in the United States and abroad. The approach can be refined with sensitive or classified information.
  4. Greater cooperation between the military and the FBI would allow useful sharing of intelligence, such as the substantial knowledge on crime and illicit transactions gleaned by the counterintelligence branch of the U.S. military that is involved in conflict regions where terror-crime interaction is most profound.
  5. Law enforcement personnel must develop stronger working relationships with the business sector. In the past, there has been too little cognizance of possible terrorist-organized crime interaction among the clients of private-sector business corporations and banks. Law enforcement must pursue evidence of criminal affiliations with high status individuals and business professionals who are often facilitators of terrorist financing and money laundering. In the spirit of public-private partnerships, corporations and banks should be placed under an obligation to watch for indications of organized crime or terrorist activity by their clients and business associates. Furthermore, they should attempt to analyze what they discover and to pass on their assessment to law enforcement.
  6. Law enforcement personnel posted overseas by federal agencies such as the DEA, the Department of Justice, the Department of Homeland Security, and the State Department’s Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement should be tasked with helping to develop a better picture of the geography of organized crime and its most salient features (i.e., the watch points of the PIE approach). This should be used to assist analysts in studying patterns of crime behavior that put American interests at risk overseas and alert law enforcement to crime patterns that may shortly appear in the U.S.
  7. Training for law enforcement officers at federal, state, and local level in identifying authentic and forged passports, visas, and other documents required for residency in the U.S. would eliminate a major shortcoming in investigations of criminal networks.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

A.1 Defining the PIE Analytical Process

In order to begin identifying the tools to support the analytical process, the process of analysis itself first had to be captured. The TraCCC team adopted Max Boisot’s (2003) I-Space as a representation for de- scribing the analytical process. As Figure A-1 illustrates, I-Space provides a three-dimensional representation of the cognitive steps that constitute analysis in general and the utilization of the PIE methodology in particular. The analytical process is reduced to a series of logical steps, with one step feeding the next until the process starts anew. The steps are:

  1. Scanning
    2. Codification 3. Abstraction 4. Diffusion
    5. Validation 6. Impacting

Over time, repeated iterations of these steps result in more and more PIE indicators being identified, more information being gathered, more analytical product being generated, and more recommendations being made. Boisot’s I-Space is described below in terms of law enforcement and intelligence analytical processes.

A.1.1. Scanning

The analytical process begins with scanning, which Boisot defines as the process of identifying threats and opportunities in generally available but often fuzzy data. For example, investigators often scan avail- able news sources, organizational data sources (e.g., intelligence reports) and other information feeds to identify patterns or pieces of information that are of interest. Sometimes this scanning is performed with a clear objective in mind (e.g., set up through profiles to identify key players). From a tools perspective, scanning with a focus on a specific entity like a person or a thing is called a subject-based query. At other times, an investigator is simply reviewing incoming sources for pieces of a puzzle that is not well under- stood at that moment. From a tools perspective, scanning with a focus on activities like money laundering or drug trafficking is called a pattern-based query. For this type of query, a specific subject is not the target, but a sequence of actors/activities that form a pattern of interest.

Many of the tools described herein focus on either:

o Helping an investigator build models for these patterns then comparing those models against the data to find ‘matches’, or

o Supporting automated knowledge discovery where general rules about interesting patterns are hypothesized and then an automated algorithm is employed to search through large amounts of data based on those rules.

The choice between subject-based and pattern-based queries is dependent on several factors including the availability of expertise, the size of the data source to be scanned, the amount of time available and, of course, how well the subject is understood and anticipated. For example, subject-based queries are by nature more tightly focused and thus are often best conducted through keyword or Boolean searches, such as a Google search containing the string “Bin Laden” or “Abu Mussab al-Zarqawi.” Pattern-based queries, on the other hand, support a relationship/discovery process, such as an iterative series of Google searches starting at ‘with all of the words’ terrorist, financing, charity, and hawala, proceeding through ‘without the words’ Hezbollah and Iran and culminating in ‘with the exact phrase’ Al Qaeda Wahabi charities. Regard- less of which is employed, the results provide new insights into the problem space. The construction, employment, evaluation, and validation of results from these various types of scanning techniques will pro- vide a focus for our tool exploration.

A.1.2. Codification

In order for the insights that result from scanning to be of use to the investigator, they must be placed into the context of the questions that the investigator is attempting to answer. This context provides structure through a codification process that turns disconnected patterns into coherent thoughts that can be more easily communicated to the community. The development of indicators is an example of this codification. Building up network maps from entities and their relationships is another example that could sup- port indicator development. Some important tools will be described that support this codification step.

A.1.3. Abstraction

During the abstraction phase, investigators generalize the application of newly codified insights to a wider range of situations, moving from the specific examples identified during scanning and codification towards a more abstract model of the discovery (e.g., one that explains a large pattern of behavior or predicts future activities). Indicators are placed into the larger context of the behaviors that are being monitored. Tools that support the generation and maintenance of models that support this abstraction process

81

will be key to making the analysis of an overwhelming number of possibilities and unlimited information manageable.

A.1.4. Diffusion

Many of the intelligence failures cited in the 9/11 Report were due to the fact that information and ideas were not shared. This was due to a variety of reasons, not the least of which were political. Technology also built barriers to cooperation, however. Information can only be shared if one of two conditions is met. Either the sender and receiver must share a context (a common language, background, understanding of the problem) or the information must be coded and abstracted (see steps 2 and 3 above) to extract it from the personal context of the sender to one that is generally understood by the larger community. Once this is done, the newly created insights of one investigator can be shared with investigators in sister groups.

The technology for the diffusion itself is available through any number of sources ranging from repositories where investigators can share information to real-time on-line cooperation. Tools that take advantage of this technology include distributed databases, peer-to-peer cooperation environments and real- time meeting software (e.g., shared whiteboards).

A.1.5. Validation

In this step of the process, the hypotheses that have been formed and shared are now validated over time, either by a direct match of the data against the hypotheses (i.e., through automation) or by working towards a consensus within the analytical community. Some hypotheses will be rejected, while others will be retained and ranked according to probability of occurrence. In either case, tools are needed to help make this match and form this consensus.

A.1.6. Impacting

Simply validating a set of hypotheses is not enough. If the intelligence gathering community stops at that point, the result is a classified CNN feed to the policy makers and practitioners. The results of steps 1 through 5 must be mapped against the opposing landscape of terrorism and transnational crime in order to understand how the information impacts the decisions that must be taken. In this final step, investigators work to articulate how the information/hypotheses they are building impact the overall environment and make recommendations on actions (e.g., probes) that might be taken to clarify that environment. The con- sequences of the actions taken as a result of the impacting phase are then identified during the scanning phase and the cycle begins again.

A.1.7. An Example of the PIE Analytical Approach

While section 4 provided some real-life examples of the PIE approach in action, a retrodictive analysis of terror-crime cooperation in the extraction, smuggling, and sale of conflict diamonds provides a grounding example of Boisot’s six step analytical process. Diamonds from West Africa were a source of funding for various factions in the Lebanese civil war since the 1980s. Beginning in the late 1990s intelligence, law enforcement, regulatory, non-governmental, and press reports suggested that individuals linked to transnational criminal smuggling and Middle Eastern terrorist groups were involved in Liberia’s illegal diamond trade. We would expect to see the following from an investigator assigned to track terrorist financing:

  1. Scanning: During this step investigators could have assembled fragmentary reports to reveal crude patterns that indicated terror-crime interaction in a specific region (West Africa), involving two countries (Liberia and Sierra Leone) and trade in illegal diamonds.
  2. Codification: Based on patterns derived from scanning, investigators could have codified the terror- crime interaction by developing explicit network maps that showed linkages between Russian arms dealers, Russian and South American organized crime groups, Sierra Leone insurgents, the government of Liberia, Al Qaeda, Hezbollah, Lebanese and Belgian diamond merchants, and banks in Cyprus, Switzerland, and the U.S.
  3. Abstraction: The network map developed via codification is essentially static at this point. Utilizing social network analysis techniques, investigators could have abstracted this basic knowledge to gain a dynamic understanding of the conflict diamond network. A calculation of degree, betweenness, and closeness centrality of the conflict diamond network would have revealed those individuals with the most connections within the network, those who were the links between various subgroups within the network, and those with the shortest paths to reach all of the network participants. These calculations would have revealed that all the terrorist links in the conflict diamond network flowed through Ibra- him Bah, a Libyan-trained Senegalese who had fought with the mujahadeen in Afghanistan and whom Charles Taylor, then President of Liberia, had entrusted to handle the majority of his diamond deals. Bah arranged for terrorist operatives to buy all diamonds possible from the RUF, the Charles Taylor- supported rebel army that controlled much of neighboring civil-war-torn Sierra Leone. The same calculations would have delineated Taylor and his entourage as the key link to transnational criminals in the network, and the link between Bah and Taylor as the essential mode of terror-crime interaction for purchase and sale of conflict diamonds.
  4. Diffusion: Disseminating the results of the first three analytical steps in this process could have alerted investigators in other domestic and foreign law enforcement and intelligence agencies to the emergent terror-crime nexus involving conflict diamonds in West Africa. Collaboration between various security services at this junction could have revealed Al Qaeda’s move into commodities such as diamonds, gold, tanzanite, emeralds, and sapphires in the wake of the Clinton Administration’s freezing of 240 million dollars belonging to Al Qaeda and the Taliban in Western banks in the aftermath of the August 1998 attacks on the U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania. In particular, diffusion of the parameters of the conflict diamond network could have allowed investigators to tie Al Qaeda fund raising activities to a Belgian bank account that contained approximately 20 million dollars of profits from conflict diamonds.
  5. Validation: Having linked Al Qaeda, Hezbollah, and multiple organized crime groups to the trade in conflict diamonds smuggled into Europe from Sierra Leone via Liberia, investigators would have been able to draw operational implications from the evidence amassed in the previous steps of the analytical process. For example, Al Qaeda diamond purchasing behavior changed markedly. Prior to July 2001 Al Qaeda operatives sought to buy low in Africa and sell high in Europe so as to maximize profit. Around July they shifted to a strategy of buying all the diamonds they could and offering the highest prices required to secure the stones. Investigators could have contrasted these buying patterns and hypothesized that Al Qaeda was anticipating events which would disrupt other stores of value, such as financial instruments, as well as bring more scrutiny of Al Qaeda financing in general.
  6. Impacting: In the wake of the 9/11attacks, the hypothesis that Al Qaeda engaged in asset shifting prior to those strikes similar to that undertaken in 1999 has gained significant validity. During this final step in the analytical process, investigators could have created a watch point involving a terror-crime nexus associated with conflict diamonds in West Africa, and generated the following indicators for use in future investigations:
  • Financial movements and expenditures as attack precursors;
  • Money as a link between known and unknown nodes;
  • Changes in the predominant patterns of financial activity;
  • Criminal activities of a terrorist cell for direct or indirect operational support;
  • Surge in suspicious activity reports.

A.2. The tool space

The key to successful tool application is understanding what type of tool is needed for the task at hand. In order to better characterize the tools for this study, we have divided the tool space into three dimensions:

  • An abstraction dimension: This continuum focuses on tools that support the movement of concepts from the concrete to the abstract. Building models is an excellent example of moving concrete, narrow concepts to a level of abstraction that can be used by investigators to make sense of the past and predict the future.
  • A codification dimension: This continuum attaches labels to concepts that are recognized and accepted by the analytical community to provide a common context for grounding models. One end of the spectrum is the local labels that individual investigators assign and perhaps only that they understand. The other end of the spectrum is the community-accepted labels (e.g., commonly accepted definitions that will be understood by the broader analytical community). As we saw earlier, concepts must be defined in community-recognizable labels before the community can begin to cooperate on those concepts.
  • The number of actors: This last continuum talks in term of the number of actors who are involved with a given concept within a certain time frame. Actors could include individual people, groups, and even automated software agents. Understanding the number of actors involved with the analysis will play a key role in determining what type of tool needs to be employed.

Although they may appear to be performing the same function, abstraction and codification are not the same. An investigator could build a set of models (moving from concrete to abstract concepts) but not take the step of changing his or her local labels. The result would be an abstracted model of use to the single investigator, but not to a community working from a different context. For example, one investigator could model a credit card theft ring as a petty crime network under the loose control of a traditional organized crime family, while another investigator could model the same group as a terrorist logistic sup- port cell.

The analytical process described above can now be mapped into the three-dimensional tool space, represented graphically in Figure A-1. So, for example, scanning (step 1) is placed in the portion of the tool space that represents an individual working in concrete terms without those terms being highly codified (e.g., queries). Validation (step 5), on the other hand, requires the cooperation of a larger group working with abstract, highly codified concepts.

A.2.1. Scanning tools

Investigators responsible for constructing and monitoring a set of indicators could begin by scanning available data sources – including classified databases, unclassified archives, news archives, and internet sites – for information related to the indicators of interest. As can be seen from exhibit 6, all scanning tools will need to support requirements dictated by where these tools fall within the tool space. Scanning tools should focus on:

  • How to support an individual investigator as opposed to the collective analytical community. Investigators, for the most part, will not be performing these scanning functions as a collaborative effort;
  • Uncoded concepts, since the investigator is scanning for information that is directly related to a specific context (e.g., money laundering), then the investigator will need to be intimately familiar with the terms that are local (uncoded) to that context;
  • Concrete concepts or, in this case, specific examples of people, groups, and circumstances within the investigator’s local context. In other words, if the investigator attempts to generalize at this stage, much could be missed.

Using these criteria as a background, and leveraging state-of-the-art definitions for data mining, scanning tools fall into two basic categories:

  • Tools that support subject-based queries are used by investigators when they are searching for specific information about people, groups, places, events, etc.; and
  • Investigators who are not as interested in individuals as they are in identifying patterns of activities use tools that support pattern-based queries.

This section briefly describes the functionality in general, as well as providing specific tool examples, to support both of these critical types of scanning.

A.2.1.1. Subject-based queries

Subject-based queries are the easiest to perform and the most popular. Examples of tools that are used to support subject-based queries are Boolean search tools for databases and internet search engines.

Functionalities that should be evaluated when selecting subject-based query tools include that they are easy to use and intuitive to the investigator. Investigators should not be faced with a bewildering array of ‘ifs’, ‘ands’, and ‘ors’, but should be presented with a query interface that matches the investigator’s cognitive view of searching the data. The ideal is a natural language interface for constructing the queries. An- other benefit is that they provide a graphical interface whenever possible. One example might be a graphical interface that allows the investigator to define subjects of interest, then uses overlapping circles to indicate the interdependencies among the search terms. Furthermore, query interfaces should support synonyms, have an ability to ‘learn’ from the investigator based on specific interests, and create an archive of queries so that the investigator can return and repeat. Finally, they should provide a profiling capability that alerts the investigator when new information is found based on the subject.

Subject-based query tools fall into three categories: queries against databases, internet searches, and customized search tools. Examples of tools for each of these categories include:

  • Queries from news archives: All major news groups provide web-based interfaces that support queries against their on-line data sources. Most allow you to select the subject, enter keywords, specify date ranges, and so on. Examples include the New York Times (at http://www.nytimes.com/ref/membercenter/nytarchive.html) and the Washington Post (at http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/washingtonpost/search.html). Most of these sources allow you to read through the current issue, but charge a subscription for retrieving articles from past issues.
  • Queries from on-line references: There are a host of on-line references now available for query that range from the Encyclopedia Britannica (at http://www.eb.com/) to the CIA’s World Factbook (at http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/). A complete list of such references is impossible to include, but the search capabilities provided by each are clear examples of subject-based queries.
  • Search engines: Just as with queries against databases, there are a host of commercial search engines available for free-format internet searching. The most popular is Google, which combines a technique called citation indexing with web crawlers that constantly search out and index new web pages. Google broke the mold of free-format text searching by not focusing on exact matches between the search terms and the retrieved information. Rather, Google assumes that the most popular pages (the ones that are referenced the most often) that include your search terms will be the pages of greatest interest to you. The commercial version of Google is available free of charge on the internet, and organizations can also purchase a version of Google for indexing pages on an intranet. Google also works in many languages. More information about Google as a business solution can be found at http://www.google.com/services/. Although the current version of Google supports many of the requirements for subject-based queries, its focus is quick search and it does not support sophisticated query interfaces, natural language queries, synonyms, or a managed query environment where queries can be saved. There are now numerous software packages available that provide this level of support, many of them as add-on packages to existing applications.

o Name Search®: This software enables applications to find, identify and match information. Specifically, Name Search finds and matches records based on personal and corporate names, social security numbers, street addresses and phone numbers even when those records have variations due to phonetics, missing words, noise words, nicknames, prefixes, keyboard errors or sequence variations. Name Search claims that searches using their rule-based matching algorithms are faster and more accurate than those based only on Soundex or similar techniques. Soundex, developed by Odell and Russell, uses codes based on the sound of each letter to translate a string into a canonical form of at most four characters, preserving the first letter.

Name Search also supports foreign languages, technical data, medical information, and other specialized information. Other problem-specific packages take advantage of the Name Search functionality through an Application Programming Interface (API) (i.e., Name Search is bundled). An example is ISTwatch. See http://www.search-software.com/.

o ISTwatch©: ISTwatch is a software component suite that was designed specifically to search and match individuals against the Office of Foreign Assets Control’s (OFAC’s) Specially Designated Nationals list and other denied parties lists. These include the FBI’s Most Wanted, Canadian’s OSFI terrorist lists, the Bank of England’s consolidated lists and Financial Action Task Force data on money-laundering countries. See

http://www.intelligentsearch.com/ofac_software/index.html

All these tools are packages designed to be included in an application. A final set of subject-based query tools focus on customized search environments. These are tools that have been customized to per- form a particular task or operate within a particular context. One example is WebFountain.

o WebFountain: IBM’s WebFountain began as a research project focused on extending subject- based query techniques beyond free format text to target money-laundering activities identified through web sources. The WebFountain project, a product of IBM’s Almaden research facility in California, used advanced natural language processing technologies to analyze the entire internet – the search covered 256 terabytes of data in the process of matching a structured list of people who were indicted for money laundering activities in the past with unstructured in- formation on the internet. If a suspicious transaction is identified and the internet analysis finds a relationship between the person attempting the transaction and someone on the list, then an alert is issued. WebFountain has now been turned into a commercially available IBM product. Robert Carlson, IBM WebFountain vice president, describes the current content set as over 1 petabyte in storage with over three billion pages indexed, two billion stored, and the ability to mine 20 million pages a day. The commercial system also works across multiple languages. Carlson stated in 2003 that it would cover 21 languages by the end of 2004 [Quint, 2003]. See: http://www.almaden.ibm.com/webfountain

o Memex: Memex is a suite of tools that was created specifically for law enforcement and national security groups. The focus of these tools is to provide integrated search capabilities against both structured (i.e., databases) and unstructured (i.e., documents) data sources. Memex also provides a graphical representation of the process the investigator is following, structuring the subject-based queries. Memex’s marketing literature states that over 30 percent of the intelligence user population of the UK uses Memex. Customers include the Metropolitan Police Service (MPS), whose Memex network that includes over 90 dedicated intelligence servers pro- viding access to over 30,000 officers; the U.S. Department of Defense; numerous U.S. intelligence agencies, drug intelligence Groups and law enforcement agencies. See http://www.memex.com/index.shtml.

A.2.1.2. Pattern queries

Pattern-based queries focus on supporting automated knowledge discovery (1) where the exact subject of interest is not known in advance and (2) where what is of interest is a pattern of activity emerging over time. In order for pattern queries to be formed, the investigator must hypothesize about the patterns in advance and then use tools to confirm or deny these hypotheses. This approach is useful when there is expertise available to make reasonable guesses with respect to the potential patterns. Conversely, when that expertise is not available or the potential patterns are unknown due to extenuating circumstances (e.g., new patterns are emerging too quickly for investigators to formulate hypotheses), then investigators can auto- mate the construction of candidate patterns by formulating a set of rules that describe how potentially interesting, emerging patterns might appear. In either case, tools can help support the production and execution of the pattern queries. The degree of automation is dependent upon the expertise available and the dynamics of the situation being investigated.

As indicated earlier, pattern-based query tools fall into two general categories: those that support investigators in the construction of patterns based on their expertise, then run those patterns against large data sets, and those that allow the investigator to build rules about patterns of interest and, again, run those rules against large data sets.

Examples of tools for each of these categories include

  1. Megaputer (PolyAnalyst 4.6): This tool falls into the first category of pattern-based query tools, helping the investigator hypothesize patterns and explore the data based on those hypotheses. PolyAnalyst is a tool that supports a particular type of pattern-based query called Online Analytical Processing (OLAP), a popular analytical approach for large amounts of quantitative data. Using PolyAnalyst, the investigator defines dimensions of interest to be considered in text exploration and then displays the results of the analysis across various combinations of these dimensions. For example, an investigator could search for mujahideen who had trained at the same Al Qaeda camp in the 1990s and who had links to Pakistani Intelligence as well as opium growers and smuggling networks into Europe. See http://www.megaputer.com/.
  2. Autonomy Suite: Autonomy’s search capabilities fall into the second category of pattern-based query tools. Autonomy has combined technologies that employ adaptive pattern-matching techniques with Bayesian inference and Claude Shannon’s principles of information theory. Autonomy identifies the pat- terns that naturally occur in text, based on the usage and frequency of words or terms that correspond to specific ideas or concepts as defined by the investigator. Based on the preponderance of one pattern over another in a piece of unstructured information, Autonomy calculates the probability that a document in question is about a subject of interest [Autonomy, 2002]. See http://www.autonomy.com/content/home/
  3. Fraud Investigator Enterprise: The Fraud Investigator Enterprise Similarity Search Engine (SSE) from InfoGlide Software is another example of the second category of pattern search tools. SSE uses ana- lytic techniques that dissect data values looking for and quantifying partial matches in addition to exact matches. SSE scores and orders search results based upon a user-defined data model. See http://www.infoglide.com/composite/ProductsF_2_1.htm

Although an evaluation of data sources available for scanning is beyond the scope of this paper, one will serve as an example of the information available. It is hypothesized in this report that tools could be developed to support the search and analysis of Short Message Service (SMS) traffic for confirmation of PIE indicators. Often referred to as ‘text messaging’ in the U.S., the SMS is an integrated message service that lets GSM cellular subscribers send and receive data using their handset. A single short message can be up to 160 characters of text in length – words, numbers, or punctuation symbols. SMS is a store and for- ward service; this means that messages are not sent directly to the recipient but via a network SMS Center. This enables messages to be delivered to the recipient if their phone is not switched on or if they are out of a coverage area at the time the message was sent. This process, called asynchronous messaging, operates in much the same way as email. Confirmation of message delivery is another feature and means the sender can receive a return message notifying them whether the short message has been delivered or not. SMS messages can be sent to and received from any GSM phone, providing the recipient’s network supports text messaging. Text messaging is available to all mobile users and provides both consumers and business people with a discreet way of sending and receiving information
Over 15 billion SMS text messages were sent around the globe in January 2001. Tools taking advantage of the stored messages in an SMS Center could:

  • Perform searches of the text messages for keywords or phrases,
  • Analyze SMS traffic patterns, and
  • Search for people of interest in the Home Location Register (HLR) database that maintains information about the subscription profile of the mobile phone and also about the routing information for the subscriber.

A.2.2. Codification tools

As can be seen from exhibit 6, all codification tools will need to support requirements dictated by where these tools fall within the tool space. Codification tools should focus on:

  • Supporting individual investigators (or at best a small group of investigators) in making sense of the information discovered during the scanning process.
  • Moving the terms with which the information is referenced from a localized organizational context (uncoded, e.g., hawala banking) to a more global context (codified, e.g., informal value storage and transfer operations).
  • Moving that information from specific, concrete examples towards more abstract terms that could support identification of concepts and patterns across multiple situations, thus providing a larger context for the concepts being explored.

Using these criteria as a background, the codification tools reviewed fall into two major categories:

  1. Tools that help investigators label concepts and cluster different concepts into terms that are recognizable and used by the larger analytical community; and
  2. Tools that use this information to build up network maps identifying entities, relationships, missions, etc.

This section briefly describes codification functionality in general, as well as providing specific tool examples, to support both of these types of codification.

A.2.2.1. Labeling and clustering

The first step to codification is to map the context-specific terms used by individual investigators to a taxonomy of terms that are commonly accepted in a wider analytical context. This process is performed through labeling individual terms, clustering other terms and renaming them according to a community- accepted taxonomy.

In general, labeling and clustering tools should:

  • Support the capture of taxonomies that are being developed by the broader analytical community; Allow the easy mapping of local terms to these broader terms;
    Support the clustering process either by providing algorithms for calculating the similarity between concepts, or tools that enable collaborative consensus construction of clustered concepts;
  • Label and cluster functionality is typically embedded in applications support analytical processes, not provided separately as stand-alone tools.

Two examples of such products include:

COPLINK® – COPLINK began as a research project at the University of Arizona and has now grown into a commercially available application from Knowledge Computing Corporation (KCC). It is focused on providing tools for organizing vast quantities of structured and seemingly unrelated information in the law enforcement arena. See COPLINK’s commercial website at http://www.knowledgecc.com/index.htm and its academic website at the University of Arizona at http://ai.bpa.arizona.edu/COPLINK/.

Megaputer (PolyAnalyst 4.6) – In addition to supporting pattern queries, PolyAnalyst also pro- vides a means for creating, importing and managing taxonomies which could be useful in the codification step and carries out automated categorization of text records against existing taxonomies.

A.2.2.2. Network mapping

Terrorists have a vested interest in concealing their relationships, they often emit confusing or intentionally misleading information and they operate in self-contained and difficult to penetrate cells for much of the time. Criminal networks are also notoriously difficult to map, and the mapping often happens after a crime has been committed than before. What is needed are tools and approaches that support the map- ping of networks to represent agents (e.g., people, groups), environments, behaviors, and the relationships between all of these.

A large number of research efforts and some commercial products have been created to automate aspects of network mapping in general and link analysis specifically. In the past, however, these tools have provided only marginal utility in understanding either criminal or terrorist behavior (as opposed to espionage networks, for which this type of tool was initially developed). Often the linkages constructed by such tools are impossible to disentangle since all links have the same importance. PIE holds the potential to focus link analysis tools by clearly delineating watch points and allowing investigators to differentiate, characterize and prioritize links within an asymmetric threat network. This section focuses on the requirements dictated by PIE and some candidate tools that might be used in the PIE context.

In general, network mapping tools should:

  • Support the representation of people, groups, and the links between them within the PIE indicator framework;
  • Sustain flexibility for mapping different network structures;
  • Differentiate, characterize and prioritize links within an asymmetric threat network;
  • Focus on organizational structures to determine what kinds of network structures they use;
  • Provide a graphical interface that supports analysis;
  • Access and associate evidence with an investigator’s data sources.

Within the PIE context, investigators can use network mapping tools to identify the flows of information and authority within different types of network forms such as chains, hub and spoke, fully matrixed, and various hybrids of these three basic forms.
Examples of network mapping tools that are available commercially include:

Analyst Notebook®: A PC-based package from i2 that supports network mapping/link analysis via network, timeline and transaction analysis. Analyst Notebook allows an investigator to capture link information between people, groups, activities, and other entities of interest in a visual format convenient for identifying relationships, dependencies and trends. Analyst Notebook facilitates this capture by providing a variety of tools to review and integrate information from a number of data sources. It also allows the investigator to make a connection between the graphical icons representing entities and the original data sources, supporting a drill-down feature. Some of the other useful features included with Analyst Note- book are the ability to: 1) automatically order and depict sequences of events even when exact date and time data is unknown and 2) use background visuals such as maps, floor plans or watermarks to place chart information in context or label for security purposes. See http://www.i2.co.uk/Products/Analysts_Notebook/default.asp. Even though i2 Analyst Notebook is widely used by intelligence community, anti-terrorism and law enforcement investigators for constructing network maps, interviews with investigators indicate that it is more useful as a visual aid for briefing rather than in performing the analysis itself. Although some investigators indicated that they use it as an analytical tool, most seem to perform the analysis using either another tool or by hand, then entering the results into the Analyst Notebook in order to generate a graphic for a report or briefing. Finally, few tools are available within the Analyst Notebook to automatically differentiate, characterize and prioritize links within an asymmetric threat network.

Patterntracer TCA: Patterntracer Telephone Call Analysis (TCA) is an add-on tool for the Analyst Notebook intended to help identify patterns in telephone billing data. Patterntracer TCA automatically finds repeating call patterns in telephone billing data and graphically displays them using network and timeline charts. See http://www.i2.co.uk/Products/Analysts_Workstation/default.asp

Memex: Memex has already been discussed in the context of subject-based query tools. In addition to supporting such queries, however, Memex also provides a tool that supports automated link analysis on unstructured data and presents the results in graphical form.

Megaputer (PolyAnalyst 4.6): In addition to supporting pattern-based queries, PolyAnalyst was also designed to support a primitive form of link analysis, by providing a visual relationship of the results.

A.2.3. Abstraction tools

As can be seen from exhibit 6, all abstraction tools will need to support requirements dictated by where these tools fall within the tool space. Abstraction tools should focus on:

  • Functionalities that help individual investigators (or a small group of investigators) build abstract models;
  • Options to help share these models, and therefore the tools should be defined using terms that will be recognized by the larger community (i.e., codified as opposed to uncoded);
  • Highly abstract notions that encourage examination of concepts across networks, groups, and time.

The product of these tools should be hypotheses or models that can be shared with the community to support information exchange, encourage dialogue, and eventually be validated against both real-world data and by other experts. This section provides some examples of useful functionality that should be included in tools to support the abstraction process.

A.2.3.1. Structured argumentation tools

Structured argumentation is a methodology for capturing analytical reasoning processes designed to address a specific analytic task in a series of alternative constructs, or hypotheses, represented by a set of hierarchical indicators and associated evidence. Structured argumentation tools should:

  • Capture multiple, competing hypotheses of multi-dimensional indicators at both summary and/or detailed levels of granularity;
  • Develop and archive indicators and supporting evidence;
  • Monitor ongoing activities and assess the implications of new evidence;
  • Provide graphical visualizations of arguments and associated evidence;
  • Encourage a careful analysis by reminding the investigator of the full spectrum of indicators to be considered;
  • Ease argument comprehension by allowing the investigator to move along the component lines of reasoning to discover the basis and rationale of others’ arguments;
  • Invite and facilitate argument comparison by framing arguments within common structures; and
  • Support collaborative development and reuse of models among a community of investigators.
  • Within the PIE context, investigators can use structured argumentation tools to assess a terrorist group’s ability to weaponize biological materials, and determine the parameters of a transnational criminal organization’s money laundering methodology.

Examples of structured argumentation tools that are available commercially include:

Structured Evidential Argument System (SEAS) from SRI International was initially applied to the problem of early warning for project management, and more recently to the problem of early crisis warning for the U.S. intelligence and policy communities. SEAS is based on the concept of a structured argument, which is a hierarchically organized set of questions (i.e., a tree structure). These are multiple-choice questions, with the different answers corresponding to discrete points or subintervals along a continuous scale, with one end of the scale representing strong support for a particular type of opportunity or threat and the other end representing strong refutation. Leaf nodes represent primitive questions, and internal nodes represent derivative questions. The links represent support relationships among the questions. A derivative question is supported by all the derivative and primitive questions below it. SEAS arguments move concepts from their concrete, local representations into a global context that supports PIE indicator construction. See http://www.ai.sri.com/~seas/.

A.2.3.2. Modeling

  • By capturing information about a situation (e.g., the actors, possible actions, influences on those actions, etc.), in a model, users can define a set of initial conditions, match these against the model, and use the results to support analysis and prediction. This process can either be performed manually or, if the model is complex, using an automated tool or simulator.
  • Utilizing modeling tools, investigators can systematically examine aspects of terror-crime interaction. Process models in particular can reveal linkages between the two groups and allow investigators to map these linkages to locations on the terror-crime interaction spectrum. Process models capture the dynamics of networks in a series of functional and temporal steps. Depending on the process being modeled, these steps must be conducted either sequentially or simultaneously in order for the process to execute as de- signed. For example, delivery of cocaine from South America to the U.S. can be modeled as process that moves sequentially from the growth and harvesting of coca leaves through refinement into cocaine and then transshipment via intermediate countries into U.S. distribution points. Some of these steps are sequential (e.g., certain chemicals must be acquired and laboratories established before the coca leaves can be processed in bulk) and some can be conducted simultaneously (e.g., multiple smuggling routes can be utilized at the same time).

Corruption, modeled as a process, should reveal useful indicators of cooperation between organized crime and terrorism. For example, one way to generate and validate indicators of terror-crime interaction is to place cases of corrupt government officials or private sector individuals in an organizational network construct utilizing a process model and determine if they serve as a common link between terrorist and criminal networks via an intent model with attached evidence. An intent model is a type of process model constructed by reverse engineering a specific end-state, such as the ability to move goods and people into and out of a country without interference from law enforcement agencies.

This end-state is reached by bribing certain key officials in groups that supply border guards, provide legitimate import-export documents (e.g., end-user certificates), monitor immigration flows, etc.

Depending on organizational details, a bribery campaign can proceed sequentially or simultaneously through various offices and individuals. This type of model allows analysts to ‘follow the money’ through a corruption network and link payments to officials with illicit sources. The model can be set up to reveal payments to officials that can be linked to both criminal and terrorist involvement (perhaps via individuals or small groups with known links to both types of network).

Thus investigators can use a process model as a repository for numerous disparate data items that, taken together, reveal common patterns of corruption or sources of payments that can serve as indicators of cooperation between organized crime and terrorism. Using these tools, investigators can explore multiple data dimensions by dynamically manipulating several elements of analysis:

  • Criminal and/or terrorist priorities, intent and factor attributes;
  • Characterization and importance of direct evidence;
  • Graphical representations and other multi-dimensional data visualization approaches.

There have been a large number of models built over the last several years focusing on counter- terrorism and criminal activities. Some of the most promising are models that support agent-based execution of complex adaptive environments that are used for intelligence analysis and training. Some of the most sophisticated are now being developed to support the generation of more realistic environments and interactions for the commercial gaming market.

In general, modeling tools should:

  • Capture and present reasoning from evidence to conclusion;
  • Enable comparison of information across situation, time, and groups;
  • Provide a framework for challenging assumptions and exploring alternative hypotheses;
  • Facilitate information sharing and cooperation by representing hypotheses and analytical judgment, not just facts;
  • Incorporate the first principle of analysis—problem decomposition;
  • Track ongoing and evolving situations, collect analysis, and enable users to discover information and critical data relationships;
  • Make rigorous option space analysis possible in a distributed electronic context;
  • Warn users of potential cognitive bias inherent in analysis.

Although there are too many of these tools to list in this report, good examples of some that would be useful to support PIE include:

NETEST: This model estimates the size and shape of covert networks given multiple sources with omissions and errors. NETEST makes use of Bayesian updating techniques, communications theory and social network theory [Dombroski, 2002].

The Modeling, Virtual Environments and Simulation (MOVES) Institute at the Naval Postgraduate School in Monterey, California, is using a model of cognition formulated by Aaron T. Beck to build models capturing the characteristics of people willing to employ violence [Beck, 2002].

BIOWAR: This is a city scale multi-agent model of weaponized bioterrorist attacks for intelligence and training. At present the model is running with 100,000 agents (this number will be increased). All agents have real social networks and the model contains real city data (hospitals, schools, etc.). Agents are as realistic as possible and contain a cognitive model [Carley, 2003a].

All of the models reviewed had similar capabilities:

  • Capture the characteristics of entities – people, places, groups, etc.;
  • Capture the relationships between entities at a level of detail that supports programmatic construction of processes, situations, actions, etc. these are usually “is a” and “a part of” representations of object-oriented taxonomies, influence relationships, time relationships, etc.;
  • The ability to represent this information in a format that supports using the model in simulations. The next section provides information on simulation tools that are in common use for running these types of models.
  • User interfaces for defining the models, the best being graphical interfaces that allow the user to define the entities and their relationships through intuitive visual displays. For example, if the model involves defining networks or influences between entities, graphical displays with the ability to create connections and perform drag and drop actions become important.

A.2.4. Diffusion tools

As can be seen from exhibit 6, all diffusion tools will need to support requirements dictated by where these tools fall within the tool space. Diffusion tools should focus on:

  • Moving information from an individual or small group of investigators to the collective community;
  • Providing abstract concepts that are easily understood in a global context with little worry that the terms will be misinterpreted;
  • Supporting the representation of abstract concepts and encouraging dialogues about those concepts.

In general diffusion tools should:

  • Provide a shared environment that investigators can access on the internet;
  • Support the ability for everyone to upload abstract concepts and their supporting evidence (e.g., documents);
  • Contain the ability for the person uploading the information to be able to attach an annotation and keywords;
  • Possess the ability to search concept repositories;
  • Be simple to set up and use.

Within the PIE context, investigators could use diffusion tools to:

  • Employ a collaborative environment to exchange information, results of analysis, hypotheses, models, etc.;
  • Utilize collaborative environments that might be set up between law enforcement groups and counterterrorism groups to exchange information on a continual and near real-time basis. Examples of diffusion tools run from one end of the cooperation/dissemination spectrum to the other. One of the simplest to use is:
  • AskSam: The AskSam Web Publisher is an extension of the standalone AskSam capability that has been used by the analytical community for many years. The capabilities of AskSam Web Publisher include: 1) sharing documents with others who have access to the local net- work, 2) anyone who has access to the network has access to the AskSam archive without the need for an expensive license, and 3) advanced searching capabilities including adding keywords which supports a group’s codification process (see step 2 in exhibit 6 in our analytical process). See http://www.asksam.com/.

There are some significant disadvantages to using AskSam as a cooperation environment. For example, each document included has to be ‘published’. The assumption is that there are only one or two people primarily responsible for posting documents and these people control all documents that are made available, a poor assumption for an analytical community where all are potential publishers of concepts. The result is expensive licenses for publishers. Finally, there is no web-based service for AskSam, requiring each organization to host its own AskSam server.

There are two leading commercial tools for cooperation now available and widely used. Which tool is chosen for a task depends on the scope of the task and the number of users.

  • Groove: virtual office software that allows small teams of people to work together securely over a network on a constrained problem. Groove capabilities include: 1) the ability for investigators to set up a shared space, invite people to join and give them permission to post documents to a document repository (i.e., file sharing), 2) security including encryption that protects content (e.g., upload and download of documents) and communications (e.g., email and text messaging), investigators can work across firewalls without a Virtual Private Network (VPN) which improves speed and makes it accessible from outside of an intranet, 4) investigators are able to work off-line, then synchronize when they come back on line, 5) includes add- in tools to support cooperation such as calendars, email, text- and voice-based instant messaging, and project management.

Although Groove satisfies most of the basic requirements listed for this category, there are several drawbacks to using Groove for large projects. For example, there is no free format search for text documents and investigators cannot add on their own keyword categories or attributes to the stored documents. This limits Groove’s usefulness as an information exchange archive. In addition, Groove is a fat client, peer-to-peer architecture. This means that all participants are required to purchase a license, download and install Groove on their individual machines. It also means that Groove requires high bandwidth for the information exchange portion of the peer-to-peer updates. See http://www.groove.net/default.cfm?pagename=Workspace.

  • SharePoint: Allows teams of people to work together on documents, tasks, contacts, events, and other information. SharePoint capabilities include: 1) text document loading and sharing, 2) free format search capability, 3) cooperation tools to include instant messaging, email and a group calendar, and 4) security with individual and group level access control. The TraCCC

team employed SharePoint for this project to facilitate distributed research and document

generation. See http://www.microsoft.com/sharepoint/.
SharePoint has many of the same features as Groove, but there are fundamental underlying differences. Sharepoint’s architecture is server based with the client running in a web browser. One ad- vantage to this approach is that each investigator is not required to download a personal version on a machine (Groove requires 60-80MB of space on each machine). In fact, an investigator can access the SharePoint space from any machine (e.g., at an airport). The disadvantage of this approach is that the investigator does not have a local version of the SharePoint information and is unable to work offline. With Groove, an investigator can work offline, and then resynchronize with the remaining members of the group when the network once again becomes available. Finally, since peer-to-peer updates are not taking place, SharePoint does not necessarily require a high-speed internet access, except perhaps in the case where the investigator would like to upload large documents.

Another significant difference between SharePoint and Groove is linked to the search function. In Groove, the search capability is limited to information that is typed into Groove directly, not to documents that have been attached to Groove in an archive. A SharePoint support not only document searches, but also allows the community of investigators to set up their own keyword categories to help with the codification of the shared documents (again see step 2 from exhibit 6). It should be noted, however, that SharePoint only supports searches for Microsoft documents (e.g., Word, Power- Point, etc.) and not ‘foreign’ document formats such as PDF. This fact is not surprising given that SharePoint is a Microsoft tool.

SharePoint and Groove are commercially available cooperation solutions. There are also a wide variety of customized cooperation environments now appearing on the market. For example:

  • WAVE Enterprise Information Integration System– Modus Operandi’s Wide Area Virtual Environment (WAVE) provides tools to support real-time enterprise information integration, cooperation and performance management. WAVE capabilities include: 1) collaborative workspaces for team-based information sharing, 2) security for controlled sharing of information, 3) an extensible enterprise knowledge model that organizes and manages all enterprise knowledge assets, 4) dynamic integration of legacy data sources and commercial off-the-shelf (COtS) tools, 5) document version control, 6) cooperation tools, including discussions, issues, action items, search, and reports, and 7) performance metrics. WAVE is not a COtS solution, however. An organization must work with Modus Operandi services to set up a custom environment. The main disadvantage to this approach as opposed to Groove or SharePoint is cost and the sharing of information across groups. See http://www.modusoperandi.com/wave.htm.

Finally, many of the tools previously discussed have add-ons available for extending their functionality to a group. For example:

  • iBase4: i2’s Analyst Notebook can be integrated with iBase4, an application that allows investigators to create multi-user databases for developing, updating, and sharing the source information being used to create network maps. It even includes security to restrict access or functionality by user, user groups and data fields. It is not clear from the literature, but it appears that this functionality is restricted to the source data and not the sharing of network maps generated by the investigators. See http://www.i2.co.uk/Products/iBase/default.asp

The main disadvantage of iBase4 is its proprietary format. This limitation might be somewhat mitigated by coupling iBase4 with i2’s iBridge product which creates a live connection between legacy databases, but there is no evidence in the literature that i2 has made this integration.

A.2.5. Validation tools

As can be seen from exhibit 6, all validation tools will need to support requirements dictated by where these tools fall within the tool space. Validation tools should focus on:

  • Providing a community context for validating the concepts put forward by the individual participants in the community;
  • Continuing to work within a codified realm in order to facilitate communication between different groups articulating different perspectives;
  • Matching abstract concepts against real world data (or expert opinion) to determine the validity of the concepts being put forward.

Using these criteria as background, one of the most useful toolsets available for validation are simulation tools. This section briefly describes the functionality in general, as well as providing specific tool examples, to support simulations that ‘kick the tires’ of the abstract concepts.

Following are some key capabilities that any simulation tool must possess:

  • Ability to ingest the model information that has been constructed in the previous steps in the

analytical process;

  • Access to a data source for information that might be required by the model during execution;
  • Users need to be able to define the initial conditions against which the model will be run;
  • The more useful simulators allow the user to “step through” the model execution, examining

variables and resetting variable values in mid-execution;

  • Ability to print out step-by-step interim execution results and final results;
  • Change the initial conditions and compare the results against prior runs.

Although there are many simulation tools available, following are brief descriptions of some of the most promising:

  • Online iLink: An optional application for i2’s Analyst Notebook that supports dynamic up- date of Analyst Notebook information from online data sources. Once a connection is made with an on-line source (e.g., LexisNexistM, or D&B®) Analyst Notebook uses this connection to automatically check for any updated information and propagates those updates throughout to support validation of the network map information. See http://www.i2inc.com.

One apparent drawback with this plug-in is that Online iLink appears to require that the line data provider deploy i2’s visualization technology.

  • NETEST: A research project from Carnegie Mellon University, which is developing tools

that combine multi-agent technology with hierarchical Bayesian inference models and biased net models to produce accurate posterior representations of terrorist networks. Bayesian inference models produce representations of a network’s structure and informant accuracy by combining prior network and accuracy data with informant perceptions of a network. Biased net theory examines and captures the biases that may exist in a specific network or set of net- works. Using NETEST, an investigator can estimate a network’s size, determine its member- ship and structure, determine areas of the network where data is missing, perform cost/benefit analysis of additional information, assess group level capabilities embedded in the network, and pose “what if” scenarios to destabilize a network and predict its evolution over time [Dombroski, 2002].

  • REcursive Porous Agent Simulation toolkit (REPAST): A good example of the free, open-source toolkits available for creating agent-based simulations. Begun by the University of Chicago’s social sciences research community and later maintained by groups such as Argonne National Laboratory, Repast is now managed by the non-profit volunteer Repast Organization for Architecture and Development (ROAD). Some of Repast’s features include: 1) a variety of agent templates and examples (however, the toolkit gives users complete flexibility as to how they specify the properties and behaviors of agents), 2) a fully concurrent discrete event scheduler (this scheduler supports both sequential and parallel discrete event operations), 3) built-in simulation results logging and graphing tools, 4) an automated Monte Carlo simulation framework, 5) allows users to dynamically access and modify agent properties, agent behavioral equations, and model properties at run time, 6) includes libraries for genetic algorithms, neural networks, random number generation, and specialized mathematics, and 7) built-in systems dynamics modeling.

More to the point for this investigation, Repast has social network modeling support tools. The Repast website claims that “Repast is at the moment the most suitable simulation framework for the applied modeling of social interventions based on theories and data,” [Tobias, 2003]. See http://repast.sourceforge.net/.

A.2.6. Impacting tools

As can be seen from exhibit 6, all impacting tools will need to support requirements dictated by where these tools fall within the tool space. Impacting tools should focus on:

  • Helping law enforcement and intelligence practitioners understand the implications of their validated models. For example, what portions of the terror-crime interaction spectrum are relevant in various parts of the world, and what is the likely evolutionary path of this phenomenon in each specific geographic area?

Support for translating abstracted knowledge into more concrete local execution strategies. The information flows feeding the scanning process, for example, should be updated based on the results of mapping local events and individuals to the terror-crime interaction spectrum. Watch points and their associated indicators should be reviewed, updated and modified. Probes can be constructed to clarify remaining uncertainties in specific situations or locations.

The following general requirements have been identified for impacting tools:

  • Probe management software to help law enforcement investigators and intelligence community analysts plan probes against known and suspected transnational threat entities, monitor their execution, map their impact, and analyze the resultant changes to network structure and operations.
  • Situational assessment software that supports transnational threat monitoring and projection. Data fusion and visualization algorithms that portray investigators’ current understanding of the nature and extent of terror-crime interaction, and allow investigators to focus scarce collection and analytical resources on the most threatening regions and networks.

Impacting tools are only just beginning to exit the laboratory, and none of them can be considered ready for operational deployment. This type of functionality, however, is being actively pursued within the U.S. governmental and academic research communities. An example of an impacting tool currently under development is described below:

DyNet – A multi-agent network system designed specifically for assessing destabilization strategies on dynamic networks. A knowledge network (e.g., a hypothesized network resulting from Steps 1 through 5 of Boisot’s I-Space-driven analytical process) is given to DyNet as input. In this case, a knowledge network is defined as an individual’s knowledge about who they know, what resources they have, and what task(s) they are performing. The goal of an investigator using DyNet is to build stable, high performance, adaptive networks with and conduct what-if analysis to identify successful strategies for destabilizing those net- works. Investigators can run sensitivity tests examining how differences in the structure of the covert net- work would impact the overall ability of the network to respond to probe and attacks on constituent nodes. [Carley, 2003b]. See the DyNet website hosted by Carnegie Mellon University at http://www.casos.cs.cmu.edu/projects/DyNet/.

A.3. Overall tool requirements

This appendix provides a high-level overview of PIE tool requirements:

  • Easy to put information into the system and get information out of it. The key to the successful use of many of these tools is the quality of the information that is put into them. User interfaces have to be easy to use, context based, intuitive, and customizable. Otherwise, investigators soon determine that the “care and feeding” of the tool does not justify the end product.
  • Reasonable response time: The response time of the tool needs to match the context. If the tool is being used in an operational setting, then the ability to retrieve results can be time- critical–perhaps a matter of minutes. In other cases, results may not be time-critical and days can be taken to generate results.
  • Training: Some tools, especially those that have not been released as commercial products, may not have substantial training materials and classes available. When making a decision regarding tool selection, the availability and accessibility of training may be critical.

Ability to integrate with the enterprise resources: There are many cases where the utility of the tool will depend on its ability to access and integrate information from the overall enterprise in which the investigator is working. Special-purpose tools that require re-keying of information or labor-intensive conversions of formats should be carefully evaluated to determine the man- power required to support such functions.

  • Support for integration with other tools: Tools that have standard interfaces will act as force multipliers in the overall analytical toolbox. At a minimum, tools should have some sort of a developer’s kit that allows the creation of an API. In the best case, a tool would support some generally accepted integration standard such as web services.
  • Security: Different situations will dictate different security requirements, but in almost all cases some form of security is required. Examples of security include different access levels for different user populations. The ability to be able to track and audit transactions, linking them back to their sources, will also be necessary in many cases.
  • Customizable: Augmenting usability, most tools will need to support some level of customizability (e.g., customizable reporting templates).
  • Labeling of information: Information that is being gathered and stored will need to be labeled (e.g., for level of sensitivity or credibility).
  • Familiar to the current user base: One characteristic in favor of any tool selected is how well the current user base has accepted it. There could be a great deal of benefit to upgrading existing tools that are already familiar to the users.
  • Heavy emphasis on visualization: To the greatest extent possible, tools should provide the investigator with the ability to display different aspects of the results in a visual manner.
  • Support for cooperation: In many cases, the strength of the analysis is dependent on leveraging cross-disciplinary expertise. Most tools will need to support some sort of cooperation.

A.4. Bibliography and Further Reading

Autonomy technology White Paper, Ref: [WP tECH] 07.02. This and other information documents about Autonomy may be downloaded after registration from http://www.autonomy.com/content/downloads/

Beck, Aaron T., “Prisoners of Hate,” Behavior research and therapy, 40, 2002: 209-216. A copy of this article may be found at http://mail.med.upenn.edu/~abeck/prisoners.pdf. Also see Dr. Beck’s website at http://mail.med.upenn.edu/~abeck/ and the MOVES Institute at http://www.movesinstitute.org/.

Boisot, Max and Ron Sanchez, “the Codification-Diffusion-Abstraction Curve in the I-Space,” Economic Organization and Nexus of Rules: Emergence and the Theory of the Firm, a working paper, the Universitat Oberta de Catalunya, Barcelona, Spain, May 2003.

Carley, K. M., D. Fridsma, E. Casman, N. Altman, J. Chang, B. Kaminsky, D. Nave, & Yahja, “BioWar: Scalable Multi-Agent Social and Epidemiological Simulation of Bioterrorism Events” in Proceedings from the NAACSOS Conference, 2003. this document may be found at http://www.casos.ece.cmu.edu/casos_working_paper/carley_2003_biowar.pdf

Carley, Kathleen M., et. al., “Destabilizing Dynamic Covert Networks” in Proceedings of the 8th International Command and Control Research and technology Symposium, 2003. Conference held at the National Defense War College, Washington, DC. This document may be found at http://www.casos.ece.cmu.edu/resources_others/a2c2_carley_2003_destabilizing.pdf

Collier, N., Howe, T., and North, M., “Onward and Upward: the transition to Repast 2.0,” in Proceedings of the First Annual North American Association for Computational Social and Organizational Science Conference, Electronic Proceedings, Pittsburgh, PA, June 2003. Also, read about REPASt 3.0 at the REPASt website: http://repast.sourceforge.net/index.html

DeRosa, Mary, “Data Mining and Data Analysis for Counterterrorism,” CSIS Report, March 2004. this document may be purchased at http://csis.zoovy.com/product/0892064439

Dombroski, M. and K. Carley, “NETEST: Estimating a Terrorist Network’s Structure,” Journal of Computational and Mathematical Organization theory, 8(3), October 2002: 235-241.
http://www .casos.ece.cmu.edu/conference2003/student_paper/Dombroski.pdf

Farah, Douglas, Blood from Stones: The Secret Financial Network of Terror, New York: Broadway Books, 2004.

Hall, P. and G. Dowling, “Approximate string matching,” Computing Surveys, 12(4), 1980: 381-402. For more information on phonetic string matching see http://www.cs.rmit.edu.au/~jz/fulltext/sigir96.pdf. A good summary of the inherent limitations of Soundex may be found at http://www.las-inc.com/soundex/?source=gsx.

Lowrance, J.D., Harrison, I.W., and Rodriguez, A.C., “Structured Argumentation for Analysis,” Proceedings of the 12th Inter- national Conference on Systems Research, Informatics, and Cybernetics, (August 2000).

Quint, Barbara, “IBM’s WebFountain Launched – the Next Big Thing?” September 22, 2003 – from the Information today, Inc. website at http://www.infotoday.com/newsbreaks/nb030922-1.shtml Also see IBM’s WebFountain website at http://www.almaden.ibm.com/webfountain/ and the WebFountain Application Development Guide at
http://www .almaden.ibm.com/webfountain/resources/sg247029.pdf.

Shannon, Claude, “A mathematical theory of communication,” Bell System technical Journal, (27), July and October 1948: 379- 423 and 623-656.

Tobias, R. and C. Hofmann, “Evaluation of Free Java-libraries for Social-scientific Agent Based Simulation,” Journal of Artificial Societies and Social Simulation, University of Surrey, 7(1), January 2003 may be found at http://jasss.soc.surrey.ac.uk/7/1/6.html.