Quote by Michael Hardt on the São Paulo Forum

Michael Hardt Speaking about Communism at the European Graduate School, 2009.

“The primary forces that have guided the history of modern resistance struggles and liberation movements, along with the most productive resis­ tance movements of today, we will argue, are driven at base not only by the struggle against misery and poverty but also by a profound desire for democracy-a real democracy of the rule of all by all based on relation­ ships of equality and freedom. This democracy is a dream created in the great revolutions of modernity but never yet realized. Today, the new characteristics of the multitude and its biopolitical productivity give pow­erful new avenues for pursuing that dream. This striving for democracy permeates the entire cycle of protests and demonstrations around the issues of globalization, from the dramatic events at the WTO in Seattle in 1999 to the meetings of the World Social Forum in Porto Alegre, Brazil…”

Recognizing the characteristics of the multitude will allow us to invert our perspective on the world. After the Darstellung, or exposition, of our current state of war, our Forschung, or research, into the nature and condi­ tions of the multitude, will allow us to reach a new standpoint where we can recognize the real, creative forces that are emerging with the potential to creare a new world. The great production of subjectivity of the multi­tude, its biopolitical capacities, its struggle against poverty, its constant striving for democracy, all coincide here with the genealogy of these resis­tances stretching from the early modern era to our own.

In the following sections, therefore, we will follow the genealogy of lib­eration struggles, from the formation of people’s armies in the great mod­ern revolutions to guerrilla warfare and finally to contemporary forms of nerwork struggle. When we put the genealogy in morion, in faer, the changing forms of resistance will reveal three guiding principles – princi­ples that are really embedded in history and determine its movement. The first principle that guides the genealogy will refer to the historical occa­sion, that is, the form of resistance that is most effective in combating a specific form of power. The second principle will pose a correspondence berween changing forms of resistance and the transformations of economic and social production: in each era, in other words, the model of re­sistance that proves to be most effective turns out to have the same form as the dominant models of economic and social production. The third prin­ciple that will emerge refers simply to democracy and freedom: each new form of resistance is aimed at addressing the undemocratic qualities of previous forms, creating a chain of ever more democratic movements. This genealogy of wars of liberation and resistance movements, finally, will lead us to see the most adequate form of organization for resistance and libera­tion struggles in the contemporary material and political situation.”

Michael Hardt, “Multitude:  War and Democracy in the Age of Empire

Quote by Alexander Dugin on the São Paulo Forum

Alexander Dugin, standing, at the National Bolshevik Bunker in 1996. On his left, is Eduard Limonov.

“Negri and Hardt call the global capitalistic system ‘Empire’ and identify it with globalism and American world government. In their opinion, globalism creates the conditions for a universal, planetary revolution of the masses, who, using the common character of globalism and its possibilities for communication and the wide, open spread of knowledge, create a network of world sabotage, for the shift from humanity (standing out as the subject and object of oppression, hierarchical relations, exploitation and disciplinarian strategies) to post-humanity (mutants, cyborgs, clones, and virtuality), and the free selection of gender, appearance and individual rationality according to one’s arbitrary rule and for any space of time. Negri and Hardt think that this will lead to the freeing up of the creative potential of the masses and at the same time to the destruction of the global power of ‘Empire’…

“The anti-globalisation movement in whole is oriented precisely to such a project of the future. And such actions as ‘the Conference in São Paulo’, where anti-globalists first tried to aim at a common strategy, attest that the New Leftist project is discovering forms of concrete political realisation. Many concrete actions — gay parades, anti-globalisation protests, Occupy Wall Street, the disturbances in immigrant suburbs of European cities, the rebellions of ‘autonomous ones’ in defence of squatters’ rights, broad social protests of new labour unions (all reminding one of a carnival), the movement for the legalisation of drugs, ecological actions and protests and so on — are included in this orientation.”

“…every trend has, as the postmodernists say, trend-setters: those who establish a determinate trend for a specific goal.

Alexander Dugin, “The Fourth Political Theory.”

“Venezuela’s PSUV is a Fascist Political Party and Nicolas Maduro is a Hitler Want-to-be.” – Chris Hedges *

Several years ago Occupy Wall Street and Russia Today darling Chris Hedges – who is now an author at TruthDig – wrote the book American Fascists: The Christian Right and the War on America. After seeing a quote of his in my feed from one of the sock-puppet operated groups I follow, I decided to give it a look into.

I found a free copy available online, downloaded it, read it and uuuf!

I admit to not being versed with his work as a whole, but after having read this I have a better understanding of why a lot of mainstream outlets no longer publish him, thus leaving him to taken up helping WSWS engage in fundraising fraud.

What I did find interesting was the opening of the book – an extended quote from Eternal Fascism: Fourteen Ways of Looking at a Blackshirt by Umberto Eco.

Based on Chris Hedges’ co-sign of what defines fascism, it’s appearent that Chris Hedges think Nicolas Maduro and the PSUV are a fascist political organization that ought to be stopped, by violence if necessary. What follows below is a graphic organizer which demonstrates how Nicolas Maduro and the PSUV fit the definition of a fascist organization, and then commentary.

Nicolas Maduro is a Fascist

Feature of Fascism  Example from PSUV
The cult of tradition. “One has only to look at the syllabus of every fascist movement to find the major traditionalist thinkers. The Nazi gnosis was nourished by traditionalist, syncretistic, occult elements.”
The rejection of modernism. “The Enlightenment, the Age of Reason, is seen as the beginning of modern depravity. In this sense Ur-Fascism can be defined as irrationalism.”
The cult of action for action’s sake. “Action being beautiful in itself, it must be taken before, or without, any previous reflection. Thinking is a form of emasculation.”
Disagreement is treason. “The critical spirit makes distinctions, and to distinguish is a sign of modernism. In modern culture the scientific community praises disagreement as a way to improve knowledge.”
Fear of difference. “The first appeal of a fascist or prematurely fascist movement is an appeal against the intruders. Thus Ur-Fascism is racist by definition.”
Appeal to social frustration. “One of the most typical features of the historical fascism was the appeal to a frustrated middle class, a class suffering from an economic crisis or feelings of political humiliation, and frightened by the pressure of lower social groups.”
The obsession with a plot. “The followers must feel besieged. The easiest way to solve the plot is the appeal to xenophobia.”
The enemy is both strong and weak. “By a continuous shifting of rhetorical focus, the enemies are at the same time too strong and too weak.”
Pacifism is trafficking with the enemy. “For Ur-Fascism there is no struggle for life but, rather, life is lived for struggle.”
Contempt for the weak. “Elitism is a typical aspect of any reactionary ideology.”
Everybody is educated to become a hero. “In Ur-Fascist ideology, heroism is the norm. This cult of heroism is strictly linked with the cult of death.”
Machismo and weaponry. “Machismo implies both disdain for women and intolerance and condemnation of nonstandard sexual habits, from chastity to homosexuality.”
Selective populism. “There is in our future a TV or Internet populism, in which the emotional response of a selected group of citizens can be presented and accepted as the Voice of the People.”
Ur-Fascism speaks Newspeak. “All the Nazi or Fascist schoolbooks made use of an impoverished vocabulary, and an elementary syntax, in order to limit the instruments for complex and critical reasoning.”

The Fascism of Nicolas Maduro and Orwellian Irony

Meeting of the first ever “Antifa International” in Caracas, Venezuela

The fact that Nicolas Maduro leads a fascist political party that assassinates, assaults, jails, harasses and in many other ways marginalizes his political opponents while at the same time mobilizing antifascist rhetoric and supporting antifascist organizations is yet another example of Orwellian Irony.

While I’m not now sure of  the connections between of the Black Rose/Rosa Negra Anarchist Federation in Portland, whose members recently displayed Antifa flags at a soccer game, to the numerous new Antifa-themed soccer clubs in Latin America – but it does seem to indicate some sort of working relationship between the groups.

This is one of a number of Antifa football groups that have recently announced their existence in Latin America . Worth noting is that these are all in locations that do not historically have fascist movements there.

Given the hundreds of millions of dollars that the government of Hugo Chavez Frias provided to anyone and everyone outside of his country that he thought he could influence and the large number of Venezuelans that have migrated out of the country – it’s no logical leap to suspect a connection given the timing.

On this point it’s also worth noting that some of the main defenders of Antifa activity in the United States are the Socialist and Communist parties whose members frequently visit and defend Cuba, Venezuela and the FARC in their press organs.

Nicholas Maduro: The Would-Be Hitler of Latin America?

Left: Maduro, yet again, claims that President Donald Trump ia a Nazi.
Right: According to Aporrea, this is Nicolas Maduro’s favorite book on rhetoric. (JK)

While the above graphic organizer makes abundantly evident that the PSUV is a fascist organization – according to the categories created by Umberto Eco and then repeated by Chris Hedges – these are not the only examples of it.

There’s also his project of colonization, which is couched in an appeal to create a “greater Latin America” via a constitutent political body, which of course, would be lead by Cuba and Venezuela and achieved via force, corruption and blackmail.

Any serious comparison between Nicolas Maduro and Adolph Hitler is, of course, absurd. But given the PSUV’s control over the population via CLAP, the extent of pro-government corruption and the millions of people that have emigrated out of the country since the rise of the PSUV – we could say that they have engaged in a sort of politically-based genocide (genocide being understood as forced migration, UNHRC), or political cleansing. This interpretation is furthered when one considers the massive government-sponsored influx of the Cubans to work in the military and in health centers.

To understand where Maduro’s fascism comes from, one need only look to his biography…

Nicolas Maduro, Graduate of Fidel Castro’s School of Political Education

Here Nicolas Maduro is shown taking the “bus” to the School of Political Education in Havana, Cuba that was founded by Fidel Castro.

It’s well documented that Nicolas Maduro “graduated” from Fidel Castro’s School of Political Education. I read in one online  forum that he was also a counselor-in-training at an Sleepaway Indoctrination Camp a few miles outside of Cienfuegos, but I believe that was just a joke.

What’s not a joke is the clear committment that Nicolas Maduro has to sell out Venezuela’s potential to be a prosperous, democratic country in order to fulfil the future-dreams of a now-dead dictator.

While marketing himself as a humble unionist and bus-driver to his people in Venezuela, by looking at a wider, comparative picture it’s clear that he’s just an autocrat that aspires to be a world-historical figure.

 

Keywords: Fascism, Bolivarian Propaganda, PSUV, Comparative Politics

* : Chris Hedges has never actually said what is in the title of this post, I merely use the conceptual framework he provides in his books American Fascist to show that he should.

Academic Presentations

Academic Presentations

United States Social Forum
June, 30 2007
Is Youth Activism Still Alive?

SUNY Binghamton
Philosophy and Interpretation of Cultures Conference
April 25, 2008
Syndicalism, Pedagogy and the Renewal of the Sublime: Reclaiming a Role for non-party Leftist Politics

University of Bristol
Philosophy and Film Conference
July 4, 2008
The Conquest of Film: Anarchism, Propaganda and Transvaluative Film

Florida Atlantic University
Comparative Studies Conference
October 25th, 2008
When Green Anarchism Turns Red: Violence, Communism and the Homeland Security Advisory System

SUNY Binghamton
Comparative Literature Conference
November 7, 2008
Self-Mutilation vs. Social Transformation: Alienation, Action and Reaction in Progressive Era America

Modern Language Association
40th Anniversary Conference
February 27, 2009
Wrongthink: Recoordinating Aesthetics of Teenage Rebellion from Politically Aloof Hedonism into Genuine Radicalism

University of Gainesville
Marxist Reading Group Conference
March 26, 2009
Crisis and Convergence: The Brief Life of American Socialist Parties in The Context of the Age of Obama

International Conference of Education Research and Innovation
November 14th, 2011
Incorporating Attention Dynamics Phenomenology into Classroom Lesson Planning

UMass Amherst
Rethinking Marxism Conference
September, 22 2013
In the Shadow of Chavez: Collectivo Protagonists and El Proceso of 21st Century Socialism

Florida Atlantic University
Latin American Studies Conference
March 21st, 2014
Socialismo Maduro o Socialismo Inmaduro: Venezuela en la Cruce

University of Gainesville
Marxist Reading Group Conference March 22, 2019
Kultural Marxism: Reflections on Venezuela’s Gramscian Fantasy of Exporting Revolution via a Long March

 

English Translation of “Uses and Abuses of Scientometrics”

Uses and abuses of Scientometrics

The production of original research articles, and the number of citations they generate in international indices, have become the ordinary indicators to measure the contribution of each researcher to the scientific work.

Miguel Ángel Pérez Angón Senior Researcher in the Department of Physics at Cinvestav, he was the founding editor of the Atlas of Mexican Science and the Latin American Catalog of Programs and Human Resources in Physics.

1. Scientometrics
In the last five years the Mexican government apparatus has been consistent in applying the maxim that the social contribution of science and technology is not so clear and much less direct. As a result, federal support for scientific activities has declined significantly. Consistent with this attitude, government delicacy to quantify the impact of its science and technology programs is increasingly evident. In this context, most national institutions have consolidated the culture of evaluation and monitoring of research carried out by their groups of researchers. In particular, the production of original research articles, and the number of citations they generate in international indexes, have become the ordinary indicators to measure the contribution of each researcher at the scientific task.

In this state of affairs, we have become accustomed to using two terms almost as synonyms but it is convenient to define more precisely: bibliometry and Scientometrics. Bibliometry is restricted to the study of research products published in scientific literature, mainly articles in journals, and the citations generated in journals included in the Science Citation Index (SCI), the Social Sciences Citation Index (SSCI) and the Arts & Humanities Citation Index (AHCI). Instead, Scientometrics aims to cover a much broader field than bibliometry and includes the analysis of other factors that may be determining factors for the development of scientific activity: number of researchers, their geographical or specialty distribution, sources of financing, productivity. and repercussion, etc. It is in this last sense that we will use this term in this article.

2. Uses
The use of Scientometric Indicators is increasingly common in developed countries to define their policies to support scientific and technological activities. For us, the analyzes carried out in countries such as Brazil, Spain, China or India are of greater interest (1). In all these cases, the constant increase in the scientific production of its researchers and the interest in reaching the levels of researchers in developed countries stand out. For example, in the case of Spanish science, they were interested in knowing in which areas and specialties their production and impact indicators are comparable or superior to those of the rest of the countries of the European Union.

In our country, CONACyT has systematically published several indicators on scientific activity in Mexico and in some other countries (2). However, the data published by CONACyT are global and are not broken down by area or specialty and even less by institution. With the idea of covering this deficiency, the Mexican Academy of Sciences created in 2002 the Atlas of Mexican Science (ACM). The goal of this project was to integrate statistical databases on all areas of science that are cultivated in our country and make them accessible to all users of scientific activity. This program only had two years of activity but in that period it was possible to generate ample and detailed statistical information on ten areas of Mexican science: biological, physical, chemical, land sciences, agricultural sciences and biotechnology, medicine and health sciences, mathematics, geosciences, social sciences and humanities (3).

The information generated by the ACM is very complete and reliable thanks to the feedback that was received from the scientific community and from the institutions of higher education and research. In particular, there are data on the academic plant (institutional affiliation, academic seniority, productivity and impact, composition by gender, level of studies, nationality and specialty), and on the degree and postgraduate study programs (enrollment, new entry , egress, terminal efficiency), but in the latter case only for some of the ten areas covered by the ACM.

To give an idea of the possible uses of the indicators generated by the ACM, I will mention some of those obtained in the case of physical sciences – one of the areas best covered by this program. Figure 1 includes the evolution of the scientific production (articles in the international indexes) of the ten areas studied in the period 1980-1999. Among them, the increase in production in physical sciences stands out by a factor of six in this period (from 200 to 1200 articles). This increase corresponds to the constant growth of researchers with a doctorate in this area of knowledge (in 1987 only 337 were registered and by 2003 they were 12363). The data collected by the ACM also suggests a possible explanation of why Mexican physicists became the most productive scientific guild in the country in such a short period: it is the most homogeneous group in academic training (there is a minimum of researchers who have only finished his master’s or bachelor’s degree studies) and that he has been subject to a stimulating process of geographical de-concentration: in 1987, 70% of the PhD researchers were assigned to the institutions located in Mexico City, and by 2003 this number already It had been reduced to 35%. It should be noted that this process occurred within the broad growth of the academic plant at the national level and not due to a simple decrease of researchers in the institutions of the metropolitan area of Mexico City. For example, in 1987, UNAM had 51% of doctoral researchers (169, and at that time all were concentrated in CU), but by 2003 they were only 36.5% (451) and those located in CU corresponded to 27.8% (343). Another factor that stands out from the data generated in the ACM is the level of international collaboration that Mexican physicists have achieved and that has allowed them to achieve levels of visibility in the international environment that only biomedical researchers had achieved before: the number of articles published In the decade of the nineties that have generated more than one hundred citations is greater than those generated at this level by the biomedical community. Many of these articles were produced from international collaborations in the large laboratories of particle accelerators and astronomical observation centers (4). A similar situation occurs in the area of geosciences, where some of the most cited articles were published based on the participation of Mexican scientists in international groups that have explored the Chicxulub crater in Yucatan or have conducted studies through perception techniques remotely operated with terrestrial satellites.

There is another very interesting fact that arises from the data included in Figure 1: from the creation of the National System of Researchers (SNI) in 1984, practically all areas initiate a consolidation process and its annual production of scientific articles It increases steadily. This effect has already been detected in other Scientometric analyzes (5) and is a transparent example of the positive uses of Scientometrics.

3. Abuses
We already mentioned some of the uses and applications of the data generated in Scientometrics, all of them located in the macro sphere of science and technology. Scientometric abuses appear precisely when some macro-type results are applied at the micro level, that is, to the evaluation of researchers individually. There is a large literature on the disadvantages of this procedure (6), I will only mention a few of them below:

• The international productivity or citation averages cover very general areas and in most cases do not correspond to the lines of work of individual researchers. These averages vary over time and this possibility is not contemplated in the institutional regulations used to promote or hire researchers.
• The impact factors determined for the journals included in the international indexes vary year by year, and consequently the list of “the best journals in the specialty” is also variable (7).
• There are good quality journals that are not included in the international indexes, particularly in areas such as mathematics, social sciences and humanities. For this type of magazine there is no information on its impact factors, immediacy indexes, etc.

Perhaps the main abuse of Scientometric Indicators occurs in institutions where they are taken strictly in the promotion and contracting processes. In most high-level institutions, academic evaluations are determined by specialists who know the specific topics of interest of the researchers evaluated (the famous peer evaluation) and the data generated by the scientometric analyzes are considered only as support material in the evaluation process. But due to the intensity and frequency with which the evaluation of academic work is carried out in Mexico, the majority of the opinion committees are not familiar with all the issues addressed by the researchers to be evaluated, and then the scientometric indicators become the norm that all researchers who want to be promoted or hired must meet. This, in turn, has generated new evaluation procedures to analyze the appeals of researchers who disagree with the results of their own evaluation. There is also an aberrant use of bibliometric indicators when they are used for exclusively administrative purposes, but I prefer not to dwell on it.

4. The INEGI of science
Like many other developing countries, Mexico does not have clear policies to encourage the systematic compilation of statistical databases on national science. The case of Mexican science is really pathetic and we can illustrate it with two recently published editorials in international circulation magazines that have referred to the state of science in our country. In the first case, published in the American Scientist (8) magazine, Mexican science is well argued because despite how modest our contribution is to the total number of articles

From research published worldwide, it turns out that among the 348 foreign members of the US National Academy of Sciences, seven are Mexican, a much larger number than researchers from Brazil, China or India. In contrast, in the second case, the editorial published in the journal Nature Medicine of September 5 (9) criticizes the performance of Mexican scientists. According to the editors of this magazine, although support for Mexican science is sufficient for the number of Mexican researchers and according to US standards, per capita production and the impact of Mexican science are much lower than those of American science. However, this editorial or the number of Nature Medicine corresponding to that date does not include data that support such a drastic conclusion. Unfortunately, there is no source of statistical information in our country that could refute the argument published in this magazine.

As I conclude this article, I hope to have presented enough arguments about the need to create, and preserve, the INEGI (National Institute of Statistics, Geography and Informatics) of Mexican science, or some instance that would allow us to have updated statistical data on the state that keeps Mexican science at all times. These data could be used by science administrators to carry out real planning exercises of our scientific activity, by researchers interested in studying the dynamics of our scientific activity, or by the higher education and research institutions themselves to provide feedback on their academic evaluation processes. Simply put, to encourage the correct use of Scientometrics.

[References]

1 I. Castro-Moreira, Science 301, 141 (2003); D.A. King, Nature 430, 311 (2004); M. Sánchez-Ayuso, reporte del CSIC, http://www.csic.es/hispano/preside/preside4/infor4.htm; J. Mervis, J. Kinoshita, Science 270, 1131 (1995).
2 CONACyT, Indicadores de actividades científicas y tecnológicas,
http://www.conacyt.mx/indicadores.htm.
3 Atlas de la Ciencia Mexicana, http://www.amc.unam.mx/atlas.htm.
4 F. Collazo-Reyes, M.E. Luna-Morales, J.M. Russell, Scientometrics 60, 131
(2004).
5 C. González-Brambila, F. Veloso, reporte de la U. Carnegie Mellon
(2005).
6 Véase, por ejemplo, P.O. Seglen, BMJ 314, 497 (1997); J.W. Grossman,
Notices AMS, 52, 35 (2005); A.F.J. Van Raan, Scientiometrics 62, 133 (2005); N.C. Lin, Y. Cheng, L. Lin, Scientiometrics 64, 101 (2005); J.A. Tallin, Basic Clinical Pharmacol. Toxicol. 97, 261 (2005); D. Adam, Avance y Perspectiva 21, 181 (2002).
7 M.H. Magri, A. Solari, Scientometrics 37, 35 (1996). 8 F.J. Ayala, Am. Scientist 93, 2 (2005).
9 Nature Medicine 11, 907 (2005).

Review of Empire’s Workshop: Latin America, the United States, and the Rise of the New Imperialism

Hugo Chavez holding Empire’s Workshop

Reading Empire’s Workshop: Latin America, the United States, and the Rise of the New Imperialism by Greg Grandin is, according to Hugo Chavez, the way to answer the question “What is happening today in Latin America?”

Grandin’s primary subject is the political coalition in the United States from the New Deal of FDR to the New Right of Regan and their relation to the foreign policy apparatus and political and economic unrest then occurring in Central America. Covering the transition from “soft power” of the Good Neighbor Policy to the overt support of anti-communist military rulers in Latin American Grandin holds that Central America in the 1980s became “…the crucible that brought together missionary Christianity, free-market capitalism, and American hard power (155).” Though his focus is on this particular period of history, the whole work itself is framed as a contribution to the claim that the strategy described by him to mobilize popular American sentiment in the support of war was employed in the build-up to the Iraq War via those participating in the Project for a New American Century.

The Protestant Ethic, Liberation Theology and Communism

At a time when global supply chains were fully recovered from the second world war, Latin America found itself in a precarious position and a battle of ideas began to take shape. A post-World War II reality gap between Latin American’s expectations and their current conditions of relative deprivation was a powerful driver for revolutionary subjectivity – especially in as land increasingly became consolidated amongst fewer hands.

Predominantly an exporter from the extractive industries and non-value-added primary goods, Latin America simply was not producing the kind of advanced engineering and technologically breakthroughs leading to large increases in productivity and quality that were occurring in the US, Europe and Japan.

In the manufacturing sectors – the growth of the number of tariffs, subsidies, capital controls, labor legislation and social welfare provisions to protect domestic workers from the pressures of foreign capital multiplied and created a downward spiral of state-control of the economy and inhibited competitiveness and innovation. While these protections ensured for a time a buffer from the economic effects of these outside market development, it was a drag on the capacity for domestic capitalists to adapt. Communists and Liberation Theologists rested their laurels on such programs, ironically enough, were seen as red flags by those within the IMF. State-owned industries were correctly identified as being oriented along political rather than economic lines, meaning massive duplications of effort and inefficiencies. Even Naomi Klein in The Shock Doctrinedescribes these as, basically, massive public jobs programs that for the present helped with employment but in the long term inhibited GDP growth. One example of this effects of such behavior is found in contemporary Venezuela, who has seen the number of oil workers employed by PDVSA rise at the same time that it’s production has fallen.

This collectivist approach to politics by the Hard Left and the Catholic Left was viewed by those involved with determining what to invest in as bad business. Liberation Theologists who, as a class, were totally ignorant of principles of capital management or the rules and pressures of the international marketplace denounced the North as Evil and frequently allied themselves with Communists. Theologians connected with the American Enterprise Institute and the Insitute on Religion and Democracy elaborated a number of explanations as to how Latin America’s inheritance of cultural factors such as indigenous values and legal codes that originated from the Spanish Crown’s 17thcentury counterreformation made adoption to the new international dynamics a point of friction.

While Grandin’s subsequent quotation of a number of these commentators is clearly designed to make this Protestant line of thought to seem vile – having listened to numerous engineers and high-level business-people in Latin America, they all agree with such criticisms. Which brings me to a quick side note related to this point based on discussions that I’ve had since attending a Catholic University…

While many American free-market radicals frequently point to Ayn Rand’s The Fountainhead as fundamental to the evolution of their thought, they ought to familiarize themselves with Christian depictions of free enterprise – such as Knut Hamsun’s The Growth of the Soil or Confucian depictions of free enterprise – such as Pearl Buck’s The Good Earth. According to numerous Catholic’s that I’ve spoken with in Medellin, people that are wealthy are further from God. While there are certainly instances where this seems to me to be the case – primitive accumulation of capital by dispossession or narco-trafficking being two such examples – such a generalized cultural taboo inhibits the cultural changes required to get out of the poverty mindset and take greater accountability for one’s economic situation.

Adversary Culture, Media Politics and Public Relations Strategy

In chapter four, titled Bringing it All Back Home, Grandin recounts the media strategy of the Regan administration to influence the domestic press to ensure positive coverage of the ongoing U.S. military actions in El Salvador and Nicaragua. With the memory of the domestic unrest that the Vietnam war had within American still fresh in the minds of many culture leaders, universities, churches, newspaper were at first adversarial to the notion of another “war against communism”.

Grandin describes this as a “psychological operation” which was being pushed on three fronts.

1) A centralized public-diplomacy that directly confronts the press through sophisticated techniques drawn from the intelligence community and the PR world

2) The loosening of restrictions regarding surveillance operations against political dissidents

3) The construction of a “countervailing grassroots support to counter what seemed a permanently entrenched anti-imperialist opposition, mobilizing militants and evangelicals on behalf of a hard-line foreign policy,”

While Grandin views this all as a maliciously designed means of duping the population, I think it’s more appropriate to view it as a creative solution to the problem of data governance and distribution in a society with numerous media and culture outlets.

Recognizing the myriad limits of journalistic investigation, the government became proactive in responding to and anticipating the claims of political activists connected to informational networks such as CISPES – whose narratives and political activities sought to degrade and otherwise demoralize the population such that they would actively oppose military conflict. Though the FBI wasn’t never able to prove a direct agency relationship between the organization and El Salvador or of any monetary aid – it’s clear that this sort of activity was a reaction to such intelligence operations rather than an effort at misinforming the public.

The Return of Latin America’s Left and Closing Thoughts

The Latin American New Left has used the World Social Forum as a means for spreading their ideology.

Towards the end of Empire’s Workshop Grandin briefly takes as his subject the Global Justice Movement and their claim that since the Capitalist Revolutionaries failed to bring Peace or Prosperity through their exchange of wealth and management that this means that they have no right to continue to try to influence or direct them anymore. Given the numerous breaches of contracts and agreements that were precursors to such loans and assistance programs – in the opening chapter of the book Grandin describes Brazilian farmers not following the directives given by their American management team,  thus leading to the loss of hundreds of millions of dollars – such claims are often connected to half told tales.

Indeed, Andres Oppenheimer sees the narratives  typical of the New Latin American Left as part of the reason that Latin America has not been able to grow at the same rate as other developing countries. Rather than focusing on the domestic economy’s connection to capital flows, politicians seek take on the economic agency of those that they represent and – in a way – manage them. The problem with this, as it evident is that generations of wealth accumulated within a family unit can be undone in a few years – or indeed a few days – by a dissolute or corrupt member and new competitors can quickly emerge and take over the market of a leader that has stopped trying to maximize added value and innovation.

Empire’s Workshop is part of a series of published by Metropolitan Books called The American Empire Project, which features other authors praised by Hugo Chavez such as Noam Chomsky and Howard Zinn. While the only other book that I’ve read in the series is Hegemony or Survival, if they are like at all akin to these two then thematically they have a number of the same problems in how they present their historical accounts.

  1. Omission or minimalization of endogenous factors informing the conflicts under discussion.

When providing an overview of USAID and DEA policy in Bolivia in the late 1990s, for instance, – as if those populations didn’t actually want assistance in the prevention of their government from becoming a state dominated by the narcotics production and trafficking sector.

Another iteration of this is removing agency from those currently engaged in illegal behavior on prior events only tangentially related. Using an example outside of Grandin’s work – to show this theme – is the placing of full or partial blame for the rise of MS-13 at the feet of the United States government. The United States government does not condone or assist with their drug-trafficking, kidnapping, extortion or any other of these illegal activities.

Absolute cynicism on the part of the author towards foreign actors.

A typical trope of the counter- and alter- globalization movement that I’ve noticed is to frame all efforts at economic development as secret debt traps – a charge that has been recently leveled against China and those countries accepting aid it’s aid.  A similar trend is evident in Grandin’s writings – all intentions on the part of foreigners involved in economic development – be it those in the IMF-technicians or U.S. diplomats – are depicted as malign and deceptive. Non-liberation theology priests are all propagandists, economic advisors are vultures setting up traps, government assistance to fight narco-trafficking is just a pretext for neo-colonial domination. Thus, though Grandin presents a number of related facts that do fit together, because of his ideological bent he presents a Manichean world. This probably why Hugo Chavez loved the book.

  1. Avoidance of or selective analysis of international law and legal cases.

The international and domestic legal order by which nations operate provides a set of guidelines that form the framework within which allows for internal and international cooperation and development to occur.

All history writing will have elements of subjectivity within it based upon the author’s choices of evidence and mobilization of it – but even though I’m not a subject area specialist I’ve read enough of Latin American political science to know a warped narrative when I see one.

For example, whereas Grandin points to the FBI’s loosening of regulations on surveillance of domestic actors as evidence of the United States being an Evil Empire, he doesn’t at all engage with the fact that spy and espionage networks are real.

This is not to say that there is no cause for reflection on what occurred in the past, just that any sort of commentary should include the full legal context.

  1. Authorial pretense of having all available data

While FOIA requests, reviews of the Congressional records and interviews with known participants certainly create a simulacrum of reality – there is always a gap.

Two major reasons for this are that the U.S. military has a commitment to protecting individuals, ongoing operations, tradecraft and national security.

Another is that those which identify with the FMLN, Bolivarian, Guevarist, Marxist, etc. movements are committed militants who abide by their own version of military doctrine – which includes deceiving those that aren’t on the inside.

I say this not to make the argument that authentic history can only be written and read by those that are a member of such organizations – but to highlight the need for unreliability to be a component of authorship. Sandinistas, for example, claimed that their activities were completely of their own, however later revelations showed they were assisted by the Cubans – who have their own geopolitical goals.

Translation of “Ex-FARC fighters say: “Former President Correa was funded by Raúl Reyes and Jojoy.”

 

Ex-President Rafael Correa in the center with FARC leadership on either side.

This is an English translation of this article from the PanAm Post.

A former FARC guerrilla fighter that’s now a witness protected by Justice in Colombia said that the former Ecuadorian president Rafael Correa was financed by the FARC to help win the presidency of that country.

Alexander Duque, known as Chorizo on the 48th front, said on the program The Informants of the Caracol that the FARC guerrillas voted in Ecuador to support Correa’s presidential campaign. In addition to obtaining agreements for permanent permits for members of the FARC to have access to Raúl Reyes’ camp, which was located in Ecuadorian territory, he also said that the withdrawal of the US military base in Manta was part of the agreement in exchange for financial support for his campaign.

“That money to finance Rafael Correa’s campaign was delivered directly to my house, one bag of USD $200,000 and USD $300,000. All under the guidance of Raúl Reyes.”

He affirmed that he even worked on one of Rafael Correa’s campaigns: “It was my task to assist the campaign, doing publicity, incentivizing Colombians who had Ecuadorian documents allowing them to vote as well as Ecuadorians who were from the FARC or associated militias, to vote for Rafael Correa” .

On the pact to withdraw the military base from Manta, “Chorizo” said that once Correa came to the presidency “he immediately asked for that base to be removed from there because they were fulfilling the contract, he did not want to renew for FARC requirement”.

After ten years of operations, in 2009 the bilateral cooperation agreement was terminated and US military stopped operations at the Manta base and departed.

Lenín Moreno and the Investigation of Correa

The president of Ecuador, Lenín Moreno, announced in April that this country would not continue to be the guarantor of the peace talks between the Colombian Government and the guerrilla of the National Liberation Army (ELN). Renglón often maintained that he had also withdrawn Quito as the headquarters of the negotiations.

In the same statement, Moreno ordered to investigate the veracity of a video that involved Correa with the alleged financing of his political campaign by the FARC guerrillas.

“I just saw a video (…) in which a protected witness shows that the FARC gave money to the campaigns of former President Correa. I asked that its truth be checked, ”he said.

Rumors of the possible relationship between the former Ecuadorian president and the FARC, known as Farcpolitica, intensified after the FARC dissent of the Oliver Sinisterra Front, led by alias “Guacho”, murdered three Ecuadorian journalists of the newspaper El Comercio, and the subsequent kidnapping of an Ecuadorian couple at the border of the two countries.

Correa and the FARC advance on the Border

For years Hugo Chavez denied the status of terrorist organization to the FARC. Simultaneously, Correa did the same in Ecuador, refusing to say they were terrorists and did not allowing the government to give them official status as belligerents. In an interview, the Ecuadorian ex-president indicated that the FARC has always been: “Irregular groups. No country in Latin America calls them terrorists, not even the Colombian government before Uribe.” he explained.

In “Operation Phoenix”, in which Raúl Reyes was discharged, a series of documents were found that established the relationship of the Ecuadorian ex-president and the FARC. Especially an email in which the guerrilla group congratulated Correa on his electoral victory in 2007.

“We visited Ecuador’s Minister of Security, Gustavo Larrea, hereinafter ‘Juan’ who on behalf of President Correa brought greetings to Comrade Manuel and the Secretariat. (…) and expressed interest of the president to formalize relations with the FARC leadership through ‘Juan,’ a willingness to coordinate social activities to help the residents of the border. Exchange of information and control of paramilitary crime in its territory,” read the letter of Raúl Reyes to members of the secretariat, on January 18, 2008.

At the time this military action triggered a diplomatic crisis between Colombia and Ecuador, as Correa accused President Uribe of having stepped on Ecuadorian territory and thus violated the sovereignty of that country and international treaties in order to terminate Reyes.

In 2008, Correa denied having links with the FARC and asked to carry out the necessary investigations in this regard, ensuring that if it were proven otherwise he would resign – a fact that never happened. And yet that year the Angostura Report which detailed the case of the death of Raúl Reyes revealed that Ecuadorian soil was being used as a bridge for drug trafficking.

In an interview for the PanAm Post, Johnny Estupiñán Echeverría, Vice Admiral of the Naval Force of Ecuador in passive service since 2008, said the Correa Government was complicit in the FARC.

“Obviously they were allies and accomplices. All the actions of the previous government favored drug trafficking, fueled by aggressive and widespread corruption.”

Now that the current government wants to fight against all inherited illegalities, it is logical to think that the outgoing government’s link with narcoterrorists, even indirectly, is generating terrorist actions to destabilize the current government, ”he said.

Quote: Andrew Breitbart on Max Blumenthal

While exchanging messages with someone about my frustration regarding unprofessional and unethical practices by so many within the “alternative news” media, this link, where Andrew Breitbart confronts Max Blumenthal of The Grayzon, was shared with me.

In the confrontation, Andrew says of Max:

“You are a joke. You are a despicable human being. You are the lowest life form I’ve ever seen. You’re entire job is to destroy people with Alinsky tactics.” 

I admit to being largely in the dark of their both of their bodies of work – but given that I recently knocked his and Ben Norton’s abysmally sophistic commentary and almost went blind rolling my eyes while watching Max do press for, I mean interview, Nicholas Maduro – I thought this was funny.