Notes from Intelligence Support to Urban Operations TC 2-91.4

 

Introduction

URBAN AREAS AND MODERN OPERATIONS

With the continuing growth in the world’s urban areas and increasing population concentrations in urban areas, the probability that Army forces will conduct operations in urban environments is ever more likely. As urbanization has changed the demographic landscape, potential enemies recognize the inherent danger and complexity of this environment to the attacker. Some may view it as their best chance to negate the technological and firepower advantages of modernized opponents. Given the global population trends and the likely strategies and tactics of future threats, Army forces will likely conduct operations in, around, and over urban areas—not as a matter of fate, but as a deliberate choice linked to national security objectives and strategy. Stability operations––where keeping the social structure, economic structure, and political support institutions intact and functioning or having to almost simultaneously provide the services associated with those structures and institutions is the primary mission––may dominate urban operations. This requires specific and timely intelligence support, placing a tremendous demand on the intelligence warfighting functions for operations, short-term planning, and long-term planning.

Providing intelligence support to operations in the complex urban environment can be quite challenging. It may at first seem overwhelming. The amount of detail required for operations in urban environments, along with the large amounts of varied information required to provide intelligence support to these operations, can be daunting. Intelligence professionals must be flexible and adaptive in applying doctrine (including tactics, techniques, and procedures) based on the mission variables: mission, enemy, terrain and weather, troops and support available, time available, and civil considerations (METT-TC).

As with operations in any environment, a key to providing good intelligence support in the urban environment lies in identifying and focusing on the critical information required for each specific mission. The complexity of the urban environment requires focused intelligence. A comprehensive framework must be established to support the commander’s requirements while managing the vast amount of information and intelligence required for urban operations. By addressing the issues and considerations listed in this manual, the commander, G-2 or S-2, and intelligence analyst will be able to address most of the critical aspects of the urban environment and identify both the gaps in the intelligence collection effort and those systems and procedures that may answer them. This will assist the commander in correctly identifying enemy actions so that Army forces can focus on the enemy and seize the initiative while maintaining an understanding of the overall situation.

 

 

Chapter 1
Intelligence and the Urban Environment

OVERVIEW

1-1. The special considerations that must be taken into account in any operation in an urban environment go well beyond the uniqueness of the urban terrain.

JP 3-06 identifies three distinguishing characteristics of the urban environment: physical terrain, population, and infrastructure. Also, FM 3-06 identifies three key overlapping and interdependent components of the urban environment: terrain (natural and manmade), society, and the supporting infrastructure.

CIVIL CONSIDERATIONS (ASCOPE)

1-2. Normally the factors used in the planning and execution of tactical military missions are evaluated in terms of the mission variables: METT-TC. Due to the importance of civil considerations (the letter “C” in METT-TC) in urban operations, those factors are discussed first in this manual. Civil considerations are the influence of manmade infrastructure, civilian institutions, and attitudes and activities of the civilian leaders, populations, and organizations within an area of operations on the conduct of military operations (ADRP 5- 0).

1-3. An appreciation of civil considerations and the ability to analyze their impact on operations enhances several aspects of urban operations––among them, the selection of objectives; location, movement, and control of forces; use of weapons; and force protection measures. Civil considerations comprise six characteristics, expressed in the acronym ASCOPE:

  • A
  • S
  • C
  • O
  • P
  • E

1-4. Civil considerations, in conjunction with the components of the urban environment, provide a useful structure for intelligence personnel to begin to focus their intelligence preparation of the battlefield and organize the huge undertaking of providing intelligence to operations in the urban environment. They should not be considered as separate entities but rather as interdependent. Understanding this interrelationship of systems provides focus for the intelligence analyst and allows the commander a greater understanding of the urban area in question

TERRAIN

1-5. Terrain in the urban environment is complex and challenging. It possesses all the characteristics of the natural landscape, coupled with manmade construction, resulting in a complicated and fluid environment that influences the conduct of military operations in unique ways. Urban areas, the populace within them, their expectations and perceptions, and the activities performed within their boundaries form the economic, political, and cultural focus for the surrounding areas. What military planners must consider for urban areas may range from a few dozen dwellings surrounded by farmland to major metropolitan cities.

1-14. Urban areas are usually regional centers of finance, politics, transportation, industry, and culture. They have population concentrations ranging from several thousand up to millions of people. The larger the city, the greater its regional influence. Because of their psychological, political, or logistic value, control of regionally important cities has often led to pitched battle scenes. In the last 40 years, many cities have expanded dramatically, losing their well-defined boundaries as they extend into the countryside.

URBAN AREAS

1-16. As defined in FM 3-06, urban areas are generally classified as––

  • l Megalopolis (population over 10million).
  • Metropolis (population between 1 to 10 million).
  • City (population 100,000 to 1million).
  • Town or small city (population 3,000 to 100,000).
  • Village (population less than 3,000).

URBAN PATTERNS

1-17. Manmade terrain in the urban environment is overlaid on the natural terrain of the area, and manmade patterns are affected by the underlying natural terrain. It can be useful to keep the underlying natural terrain in mind when analyzing the manmade patterns of the urban environment.

URBAN FUNCTIONAL ZONES

1-24. To provide an accurate depiction of an urban area, it is necessary to have a basic understanding of its numerous physical subdivisions or zones. These zones are functional in nature and reflect “where” something routinely occurs within the urban area.

SOCIETY (SOCIO-CULTURAL)

1-70. When local support is necessary for success, as is often the case in operations in the urban environment, the population is central to accomplishing the mission. The center of gravity for operations in urban environments is often human. To effectively operate among an urban population and maintain their goodwill, it is important to develop a thorough understanding of the society and its culture, to include values, needs, history, religion, customs, and social structure.

1-71. U.S. forces can avoid losing local support for the mission and anticipate local reaction to friendly courses of action by understanding, respecting, and following local customs when possible. The history of a people often explains why the urban population behaves the way it does. For example, U.S. forces might forestall a violent demonstration by understanding the significance of the anniversary of a local hero’s death.

1-72. Accommodating the social norms of a population is potentially the most influential factor in the conduct of urban operations. Unfortunately, this is often neglected. Social factors have greater impact in urban operations than in any other environment. The density of the local populations and the constant interaction between them and U.S. forces greatly increase the importance of social considerations. The fastest way to damage the legitimacy of an operation is to ignore or violate social mores or precepts of a particular population. Groups develop norms and adamantly believe in them all of their lives. The step most often neglected is understanding and respecting these differences.

1-73. The interaction of different cultures during operations in the urban environment may demand greater recognition than in other environments. This greater need for understanding comes from the increased interaction with the civilian populace. Norms and values could involve such diverse areas as food, sleep patterns, casual and close relationships, manners, and cleanliness. Understanding these differences is only a start in developing cultural awareness.

1-74. Religious beliefs and practices are among the most important, yet least understood, aspects of the cultures of other peoples. In many parts of the world, religious norms are a matter of life and death. In many religious wars, it is not uncommon to find suicidal acts in the name of their god. In those situations, religious beliefs are considered more important than life itself.

1-75. Failure to recognize, respect, understand, and incorporate an understanding of the cultural and religious aspects of the society with which U.S. forces are interacting could rapidly lead to an erosion of the legitimacy of the U.S. or multinational force mission. When assessing events, intelligence professionals must consider the norms of the local culture or society. For example, while bribery is not an accepted norm in our society, it may be a totally acceptable practice in another society. If U.S. intelligence professionals assess an incidence of this nature using our own societal norms and values as a reference, it is highly likely that the significance of the event will be misinterpreted.

1-77. Many developing country governments are characterized by nepotism, favor trading, sabotage, and indifference. Corruption is pervasive and institutionalized as a practical way to manage excess demand for city services. The power of officials is often primarily based on family and personal connections, economic, political or military power bases and age, and only after that on education, training, and competence.

1-78. A local government’s breakdown from its previous level of effectiveness will quickly exacerbate problems of public health and mobility. Attempts to get the local-level bureaucracy to function along U.S. lines will produce further breakdown or passive indifference. Any unintentional or intentional threat to the privileges of ranking local officials or to members of their families will be stubbornly resisted. Avoiding such threats and assessing the importance of particular officials requires knowledge of family ties.

1-79. U.S. military planners must also recognize that the urban populace will behave according to their own self-interest. The urban populace will focus on the different interests at work: those of U.S. or multinational forces, those of elements hostile to U.S. or multinational forces, those of international or nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) that may be present; those of local national opportunities and those of the general population. Friendly forces must be constantly aware of these interests and how the local national population perceives them.

1-80. Another significant cultural problem is the presence of displaced persons within an urban area. Rural immigrants, who may have different cultural norms, when combined with city residents displaced by urban conflict, can create a significant strategic problem. Noncombatants and refugees without hostile intent can stop an advancing unit or inadvertently complicate an operation. Additionally, there may be enemy troops, criminal gangs, vigilantes, paramilitary factions, and factions within those groups hiding in the waves of the displaced.

1-81. The enemy knows that it will be hard to identify the threat among neutral or disinterested parties.

Chechen rebels and the Hezbollah effectively used the cover of refugees to attack occupying forces and counted on heavy civilian casualties in the counterattack to gain support with the local population. The goal is to place incalculable stresses on the Soldiers in order to break down discipline and operational integrity.

1-82. Defining the structure of the social hierarchy is often critical to understanding the population. Identifying those in positions of authority is important as well. These city officials, village elders, or tribal chieftains are often the critical nodes of the society and influence the actions of the population at large. In many societies, nominal titles do not equal power––influence does. Many apparent leaders are figureheads, and the true authority lies elsewhere.

1-83. Some areas around the world are not governed by the rule of law, but instead rely upon tradition. Often, ethnic loyalty, religious affiliation, and tribal membership provide societal cohesion and the sense of proper behavior and ethics in dealing with outsiders, such as the U.S. or multinational partners. It is important to understand the complicated inner workings of a society rife with internal conflict, although to do so is difficult and requires a thorough examination of a society’s culture and history.

1-85. While certain patterns do exist, most urban centers are normally composed of a multitude of different peoples, each with their own standards of conduct. Individuals act independently and in their own best interest, which will not always coincide with friendly objectives.

Treating the urban population as a homogenous entity can lead to false assumptions, cultural misunderstandings, and poor situational understanding.

POPULATION

1-86. A population of significant size and density inhabits, works in, and uses the manmade and natural terrain in the urban environment. Civilians remaining in an urban environment may be significant as a threat, an obstacle, a logistics support problem (to include medical support), or a source of support and information.

1-89. Another issue is the local population’s requirement for logistic or medical support. U.S. troops deployed to Somalia and the Balkans immediately had to deal with providing logistic support to starving populations until local and international organizations could take over those functions.

1-90. From an intelligence standpoint, the local population can be a valuable information source.

1-92. Although the population is not a part of the terrain, the populace can impact the mission in both positive and negative ways. Individuals or groups in the population can be coopted by one side or another to perform a surveillance and reconnaissance function, performing as moving reconnaissance to collect information. City residents have intimate knowledge of the city. Their observations can provide information and insights about intelligence gaps and other activities that help reach an understanding of the environment. For instance, residents often know about shortcuts through town. They might also be able to observe and report on a demonstration or meeting that occurs in their area.

1-93. Unarmed combatants operating within the populace or noncombatants might provide intelligence to armed combatants engaged in a confrontation.

1-94. The presence of noncombatants in a combat zone can lead to restrictive rules of engagement, which may impact the way in which a unit accomplishes its mission. The population, groups or individuals or sectors within an urban area can be the target audience of influence activities (such as MISO or threat psychological operations).

1-95. Populations present during urban operations can physically restrict movement and maneuver by limiting or changing the width of routes. People may assist movement if a group can be used as human barrier between one combatant group and another. Refugee flows, for example, can provide covert infiltration or exfiltration routes for members of a force. There may also be unintended restrictions to routes due to normal urban activities which can impact military operations.

1-96. One of the largest challenges to friendly operations is the portion of the population that supports the adversary. Even people conducting their daily activities may inadvertently “get in the way” of any type of operation. For example, curiosity-driven crowds in Haiti often affected patrols by inadvertently forcing units into the middle of the street or pushing them into a single file.

INFRASTRUCTURE

1-101. The infrastructure of an urban environment consists of the basic resources, support systems, communications, and industries upon which the population depends. The key elements that allow an urban area to function are also significant to operations, especially stability operations. The force that controls the water, electricity, telecommunications, natural gas, food production and distribution, and medical facilities will virtually control the urban area. These facilities may not be located within the city’s boundaries. The infrastructure upon which an urban area depends may also provide human services and cultural and political structures that are critical beyond that urban area, perhaps for the entire nation.

1-102. A city’s infrastructure is its foundation. It includes buildings, bridges, roads, airfields, ports, subways, sewers, power plants, industrial sectors, communications, and similar physical structures. Infrastructure varies from city to city. In developed countries, the infrastructure and service sectors are highly sophisticated and well integrated. In developing cities, even basic infrastructure may be lacking. To understand how the infrastructure of a city supports the population, it needs to be viewed as a system of systems. Each component affects the population, the normal operation of the city, and the potential long- term success of military operations conducted there.

1-103. Military planners must understand the functions and interrelationships of these components to assess how disruption or restoration of the infrastructure affects the population and ultimately the mission. By determining the critical nodes and vulnerabilities of a city, allied forces can delineate specific locations within the urban area that are vital to overall operations. Additionally, military planners must initially regard these structures as civilian places or objects, and plan accordingly, until reliable information indicates they are being used for a military purpose.

1-104. Much of the analysis conducted for terrain and society can apply when assessing the urban infrastructure. For example, commanders, staffs, and analysts could not effectively assess the urban economic and commercial infrastructure without simultaneously considering labor. All aspects of the society relate and can be used to further analyze the urban work force since they are a sub-element of the urban society.

TRANSPORTATION

1-106. The transportation network is a critical component of a city’s day-to-day activity. It facilitates the movement of material and personnel around the city. This network includes roads, railways, subways, bus systems, airports, and harbors.

COMMUNICATIONS

1-108. Communication facilities in modern cities are expansive and highly developed. Complicated networks of landlines, radio relay stations, fiber optics, cellular service, and the Internet provide a vast web of communication capabilities. This communication redundancy allows for the constant flow of information.

1-109. National and local engineers and architects may have developed a communication infrastructure more effective and robust than it might first appear.

1-110. Developing countries may have little in the way of communication infrastructure. Information flow can depend on less sophisticated means—couriers, graffiti, rumors/gossiping and local printed media. Even in countries with little communication infrastructure, radios, cell phones, and satellite communications may be readily available to pass information. Understanding communication infrastructure of a city is important because it ultimately controls the flow of information to the population and the enemy.

ENERGY

1-111. All societies require energy (such as wood, coal, oil, natural gas, nuclear, and solar) for basic heating, cooking, and electricity. Energy is needed for industrial production and is therefore vital to the economy. In fact, every sector of a city’s infrastructure relies on energy to some degree. Violence may result from energy scarcity. From a tactical and operational perspective, protecting an urban area’s energy supplies prevents unnecessary hardship to the civilian population and, therefore, facilitates mission accomplishment. Power plants, refineries, and pipelines that provide energy resources for the urban area may not be located within the urban area. Energy facilities are potential targets in an urban conflict. Combatant forces may target these facilities to erode support for the local authorities or to deny these facilities to their enemies.

1-112. Electricity is vital to city populations. Electric companies provide a basic service that provides heat, power, and lighting. Because electricity cannot be stored in any sizable amount, damage to any portion of this utility will immediately affect the population. Electrical services are not always available or reliable in the developing world.

1-113. Interruptions in service are common occurrences in many cities due to a variety of factors. Decayed infrastructure, sabotage, riots, military operations, and other forms of conflict can disrupt electrical service. As a critical node of the overall city service sector, the electrical facilities are potential targets in an urban conflict. Enemy forces may target these facilities to erode support for the local authorities or friendly forces.

WATER AND WASTE DISPOSAL

1-115. Deliberate acts of poisoning cannot be overlooked where access to the water supply is not controlled. U.S. forces may gain no marked tactical advantage by controlling this system, but its protection minimizes the population’s hardship and thus contributes to overall mission success. A buildup of garbage on city streets poses many hazards to include health threats and obstacles. Maintenance or restoration of urban garbage removal to landfills can minimize this threat and improve the confidence of the civilian population in the U.S. friendly mission.

RESOURCES AND MATERIAL PRODUCTION

1-116. Understanding the origination and storage sites of resources that maintain an urban population can be especially critical in stability operations. These sites may need to be secured against looting or attack by threat forces in order to maintain urban services and thereby retain or regain the confidence of the local population in the U.S. mission. Additionally, military production sites may need to be secured to prevent the population from gaining uncontrolled access to quantities of military equipment.

FOOD DISTRIBUTION

1-117. A basic humanitarian need of the local populace is food. During periods of conflict, food supplies in urban areas often become scarce. Maintaining and restoring normal food distribution channels in urban areas will help prevent a humanitarian disaster and greatly assist in maintaining or regaining the good will of the local population for U.S. forces. It may be impossible to immediately restore food distribution channels following a conflict, and U.S. forces may have to work with NGOs that specialize in providing these types of services. This may require friendly forces to provide protection for NGO convoys and personnel in areas where conflict may occur.

MEDICAL FACILITIES

1-118. While the health services infrastructure of most developed cities is advanced, medical facilities are deficient in many countries. International humanitarian organizations may represent the only viable medical care available.

LOCAL POLICE, MILITARY UNITS WITH POLICE AUTHORITY OR MISSIONS, AND FIREFIGHTING UNITS

1-119. These elements can be critical in maintaining public order. Their operations must be integrated with friendly forces in friendly forces controlled areas to ensure that stability and security are restored or maintained. As discussed in chapter 3, the precinct structure of these organizations can also provide a good model for the delineation of unit boundaries with the urban area. It may be necessary for friendly forces to provide training for these elements.

CRISIS MANAGEMENT AND CIVIL DEFENSE

1-120. Local crisis management procedures and civil defense structures can aid U.S. forces in helping to care for noncombatants in areas of ongoing or recent military operations. Additionally, the crisis management and civil defense leadership will often be local officials that may be able to provide structure to help restore or maintain security and local services in urban areas under friendly control. Many larger urban areas have significant response teams and assets to deal with crises. The loss of these key urban “maintainers” may severely impact not only military operations within the urban environment but also threaten the health or mobility of those living there. During periods of combat this may also affect the ability of Soldiers to fight as fires or chemical spills remain unchecked or sewer systems back up. This is especially true when automatic pumping stations that normally handle rising water levels are deprived of power. It may be necessary for friendly forces to provide training for these elements.

SUBTERRANEAN FEATURES

1-121. Subterranean features can be extremely important in identifying underground military structures, concealed avenues of approach, and maintaining public services

Chapter 2
The Threat in the Urban Environment

OVERVIEW

2-1. The obligation of intelligence professionals includes providing adequate information to enable leaders to distinguish threats from nonthreats and combatants from noncombatants. This legal requirement of distinction is the initial obligation of decision makers who rely primarily on the intelligence they are provided.

2-2. Threats in the urban environment can be difficult to identify due to the often complex nature of the forces and the environment. In urban terrain, friendly forces will encounter a variety of potential threats, such as, conventional military forces, paramilitary forces, insurgents or guerillas, terrorists, common criminals, drug traffickers, warlords, and street gangs. These threats may operate independently or some may operate together. Individuals may be active members of one or more groups. Many urban threats lack uniforms or obvious logistic trains and use networks rather than hierarchical structures.

2-3. Little information may be available concerning threat tactics, techniques, and procedures (TTP) so intelligence staffs must collect against these TTP and build threat models. The enemy situation is often extremely fluid––locals friendly to us today may be tomorrow’s belligerents. Adversaries seek to blend in with the local population to avoid being captured or killed. Enemy forces who are familiar with the city layout have an inherently superior awareness of the current situation. Finally, U.S. forces often fail to understand the motives of the urban threat due to difficulties of building cultural awareness and situational understanding for a complex environment and operation. Intelligence personnel must assist the commander in correctly identifying enemy actions so that U.S. forces can focus on the enemy and seize the initiative while maintaining an understanding of the overall situation.

2-4. Potential urban enemies share some characteristics. The broken and compartmented terrain is best suited to the use of small unit operations. Typical urban fighters are organized in squad size elements and employ guerrilla tactics, terrorist tactics, or a combination of the two. They normally choose to attack (often using ambushes) on terrain which canalizes U.S. forces and limits our ability to maneuver or mass while allowing the threat forces to inflict casualties on U.S. forces and then withdraw. Small arms, sniper rifles, rocket-propelled grenades, mines, improvised explosive devices, Molotov cocktails, and booby traps are often the preferred weapons. These weapons range from high tech to low tech and may be 30 to 40 years old or built from hardware supplies, but at close range in the urban environment many of their limitations can be negated.

CONVENTIONAL MILITARY AND PARAMILITARY FORCES

2-6. Conventional military and paramilitary forces are the most overt threats to U.S. and multinational forces. Identifying the capabilities and intent of these threat forces is standard for intelligence professionals for any type of operation in any type of environment. In the urban environment, however, more attention must be paid to threat capabilities that support operations in the urban environment and understanding of what, if any, specialized training these forces have received in conducting urban warfare.

INSURGENTS OR GUERRILLAS

2-7. Several factors are important in analyzing any particular insurgency. Commanders and staffs must perform this analysis within an insurgency’s operational environment. (See FM 3-24/MCWP 3-33.5 for doctrine on analyzing insurgencies. See table 2-2 for examples of information requirements associated with analyzing insurgencies.) Under the conditions of insurgency within the urban environment, the analyst must place more emphasis on—

  • Developing population status overlays showing potential hostile neighborhoods.
  • Developing an understanding of “how” the insurgent or guerrilla organization operates and is organized with a focus toward potential strengths and weaknesses.
  • Determining primary operating or staging areas.
  • Determining mobility corridors and escape routes.
  • Determining most likely targets.
  • Determining where the threat’s logistic facilities are located and how their support organizations operate.
  • Determining the level of popular support (active and passive).
  • Determining the recruiting, command and control, reconnaissance and surveillance, logistics (to include money), and operations techniques and methods of the insurgent or guerrilla organization.
  • Locating neutrals and those actively opposing these organizations.
  • Using pattern analysis and other tools to establish links between the insurgent or guerilla organization and other organizations (to include family links).
  • Determining the underlying social, political, and economic issues that caused the insurgency in the first place and which are continuing to cause the members of the organization as well as elements of the population to support it.

TERRORISTS

2-8. The terrorism threat of is a growing concern for the U.S. military. The opportunities for terrorism are greater in cities due to the presence of large numbers of potential victims, the likelihood of media attention, and the presence of vulnerable infrastructure. Many terrorist cells operate in cities because they can blend with the surrounding population, find recruits, and obtain logistic support. Terrorist cells are not confined to the slum areas of the developing world. In fact, many of the intelligence collection, logistic support, and planning cells for terrorist groups exist in the cities of Western Europe and even the United States.

CRIME AND CRIMINAL ORGANIZATIONS

2-10. These organizations can threaten the successful completion of U.S. operations both directly and indirectly. Criminals and criminal organizations may directly target U.S. forces, stealing supplies or extorting money or contracts. Likewise, increased criminal activity can undermine the U.S. efforts to establish a sense of security among the local populace. Additionally, guerillas, insurgents, and terrorists may take advantage of criminal organizations in many ways, ranging from using them to collect information on U.S. and multinational forces to obtaining supplies, munitions, or services or using their LOCs as logistic support channels. Terrorist organizations may even have their own separate criminal element or be inseparable from a criminal group. An enterprise like narcoterrorism is an example of this.

2-11. Criminal activities will usually continue and may even increase during operations in the urban environment. Criminal organizations often run black markets and illegal smuggling operations in and around urban areas. These types of activities are often established prior to the arrival of U.S. and multinational forces and may proliferate prior to or once U.S. and multinational forces arrive, especially if normal urban services are disrupted by the events that resulted in the U.S. force deployment. For the local population, these activities may be the only reliable source of jobs which allow workers to provide for their families.

INFORMATION OPERATIONS

2-12. Adversary information operations pose a threat to friendly forces. These threats can consist of propaganda, denial and deception, electronic warfare, computer network attack, and (although not a direct threat), the use of the media to achieve an objective. In general, the purposes of these attacks are to––

  • Erode domestic and international support for the mission.
  • Deny friendly forces information on enemy disposition and strength.
  • Disrupt or eavesdrop on friendly communications.
  • Disrupt the U.S. and multinational information flow.

2-13. Through the use of propaganda, adversaries try to undermine the U.S. and multinational mission by eroding popular support among the local population, the American people, and the international community. This is accomplished through savvy public relations campaigns, dissemination of falsehoods or half-truths, staging attacks on civilian sites and then passing the blame onto allied forces, and conducting other operations that make public statements by U.S. leaders appear to be lies and half-truths.

2-14. Urban terrain facilitates adversary denial and deception. The urban population provides a natural screen in which enemy forces can hide their identities, numbers, and equipment. There are other opportunities for denial and deception in cities. Threat forces can hide military equipment in culturally sensitive places—caching weapons in houses of worship or medical facilities. Threat forces can use decoys in urban terrain to cause erroneous assessments of its combat capability, strength, and disposition of assets. Decoys can be employed to absorb expensive and limited precision-guided munitions as well as cause misallocation of limited resources.

2-15. The enemy electronic warfare threat focuses on denying friendly use of the electromagnetic spectrum to disrupt communications and radar emissions. Commercially available tactical jamming equipment is proliferating throughout the world and threatens allied communication and receiving equipment. Ensuring rapid and secure communications is one of the greatest challenges of urban operations.

2-16. The media can alter the course of urban operations and military operations in general. While not a direct threat, the increasing presence of media personnel during military operations can create special challenges. Media products seen in real time without perspective can erode U.S. military support both internationally and domestically. Enemy forces will attempt to shape media coverage to suit their own needs. For example, by escorting media personnel to “civilian casualty sites,” they attempt to sway international opinion against friendly operations. The media may also highlight errors committed by U.S. and multinational forces. In this age of 24-hour media coverage, the death of even a single noncombatant can negatively affect a military campaign.

HEALTH ISSUES

2-17. Urban centers provide favorable conditions for the spread of debilitating or deadly diseases. Sanitation is often poor in urban areas. Local water and food may contain dangerous contaminants. During military operations in the urban environment, sewage systems, power generating plants, water treatment plants, city sanitation, and other services and utilities are vulnerable. When disabled or destroyed, the risk of disease and epidemics increases, which could lead to unrest, further disease, riots, and casualties.

2-22. The typical urban environment includes potential biological or chemical hazards that fall outside the realm of weapons of mass destruction. Operations within confined urban spaces may see fighting in sewers and medical facilities and the subsequent health problems that exposure to contaminants may cause. There may also be deliberate actions to contaminate an enemy’s food or water or infect an enemy. Today’s biological threats include ebola, smallpox, and anthrax.

OTHER URBAN CONCERNS

2-23. There are additional concerns regarding the conduct of military operations within the urban environment. The analyst should, to some extent, also focus on the aviation and fire hazards discussed below.

AVIATION HAZARDS

FIRE HAZARDS

 

Chapter 3
Information Sources in the Urban Environment

OVERVIEW

3-1. In the urban environment, every Soldier is an information collector. Soldiers conducting patrols, manning observation posts, manning checkpoints, or even convoying supplies along a main supply route serve as the commander’s eyes and ears.

3-2. This chapter briefly discusses some of the types of information that Soldiers on the battlefield with different specialties can provide to the intelligence staff. It is essential to properly brief these assets so that they are aware of the intelligence requirements prior to their missions and to debrief them immediately upon completion of their missions; this is to ensure the information is still current in their minds and any timely intelligence they may provide is available for further action.

SCOUTS, SNIPERS, AND RECONNAISSANCE

3-3. Scouts, snipers, and other surveillance and reconnaissance assets can provide valuable information on people and places in the urban environment. Traditionally, scouts, snipers, and reconnaissance assets are often used in surveillance roles (passive collection) from a standoff position. Operations in the urban environment, especially stability operations, may require a more active role (reconnaissance) such as patrolling for some of these assets. When employed in a reconnaissance role (active collection), these assets tend to be most useful when accompanied by an interpreter who allows them to interact with people that they encounter, which allows them to better assess the situation.

ENGINEERS

3-9. Engineers can provide significant amounts of information to the intelligence staff. They support mobility, countermobility and survivability by providing maneuver and engineer commanders with information about the terrain, threat engineer activity, obstacles, and weather effects within the AO. During the planning process engineers can provide specific information on the urban environment such as information on the effects that structures within the urban area may have on the operation, bridge weight class and conditions, and information on most likely obstacle locations and composition. Engineers can assist in assessing potential collateral damage by analyzing risks of damage caused by the release of dangerous forces, power grid and water source stability, and the viability of sewage networks. Engineers provide a range of capabilities that enhance collection efforts. Each of the engineer functions may provide varying degrees of technical expertise in support of any given assigned mission and task. These capabilities are generated from and organized by both combat and general engineer units with overarching support from geospatial means

CIVIL AFFAIRS

3-23. Civil affairs personnel are a key asset in any operation undertaken in the urban environment. The missions of civil affairs personnel keep them constantly interacting with the indigenous populations and institutions (also called IPI). Civil affairs personnel develop area studies, conduct a variety of assessments, and maintain running estimates. These studies, assessments, and running estimates focus on the civil component of an area or operation.

3-24. The basic evaluation of an area is the civil affairs area study. An area study is produced in advance of the need. It establishes baseline information relating to the civil components of the area in question in a format corresponding to the civil affairs functional areas and functional specialties. Civil affairs assessments provide a precise means to fill identified information gaps in order to inform decisionmaking. Civil affairs Soldiers perform three types of assessments: the initial assessment, the deliberate assessment, and the survey. (See FM 3-57 and ATP 3-57.60 for doctrine on civil affairs area studies and assessments.)

3-25. The civil affairs operations running estimate feeds directly into the military decisionmaking process, whether conducted during civil-affairs-only operations or integrated into the supported unit’s planning and development of the common operational picture. During course of action development and wargaming, the civil affairs operations staff ensures each course of action effectively integrates civil considerations.

3-26. Civil affairs units conduct civil information management as a core competency. Civil information management is the process whereby data relating to the civil component of the operational environment is gathered, collated, processed, analyzed, produced into information products, and disseminated (JP 3-57). Effectively executing this process results in civil information being shared with the supported organization, higher headquarters, and other U.S. Government and Department of Defense agencies, intergovernmental organizations, and NGOs.

3-27. While civil affairs forces should never be used as information collection assets, the fact that civil affairs teams constantly travel throughout the AO to conduct their missions make them good providers of combat information, if they are properly debriefed by intelligence staffs. Intelligence personnel should ask their local civil affairs team for their area studies and assessments.

MILITARY INFORMATION SUPPORT OPERATIONS

3-28. MISO units are made up primarily of Soldiers holding the psychological operations military occupational specialty. These Soldiers must have a thorough understanding of the local populace, including the effects of the information environment, and must fully understand the effects that U.S. operations are having on the populace.

Psychological operations Soldiers routinely interact with local populations in their native languages, directly influence specified targets, collect information, and deliver persuasive, informative, and directive messages. Intelligence personnel can leverage attached MISO units’ capabilities and the information they provide to gain key insights into the current sentiments and behavior of local nationals and other important groups. MISO units can be a tremendous resource to the intelligence staff; however, they rely heavily on the intelligence warfighting function.

MILITARY POLICE

3-32. Whether they are conducting area security operations, maneuver and support operations, internment and resettlement, or law and order operations, military police personnel normally have a presence across large parts of the battlefield.

In some cases, they may temporarily assume Customs duties, as they did at the main airport outside Panama City during Operation Just Cause. Generally, military police are better trained in the art of observation than regular Soldiers; with their presence at critical locations on the battlefield, they can provide a wealth of battlefield information provided that they are properly briefed on current intelligence requirements.

3-34. Military police also maintain a detainee information database which can also track detainees in stability operations. Information from this database can be useful to intelligence personnel, especially when constructing link diagrams and association matrixes.

JOINT AND DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE

3-39. Most Army operations in urban environments are likely to be joint operations. This requires Army intelligence staffs at all levels to make sure that they are familiar with the intelligence collection capabilities and methods of Navy, Air Force, and Marine Corps units operating in and around their AO. Joint operations generally bring more robust intelligence capabilities to the AO; however joint operations also require significantly more coordination to ensure resources are being used to their fullest extent.

INTELLIGENCE SUPPORT PACKAGES

3-40. The Defense Intelligence Agency produces intelligence support packages in response to the theater or joint task force target list or a request for information. A target summary provides data on target significance, description, imagery annotations, node functions, air defenses, and critical nodal analysis. These packages support targeting of specific military and civilian installations. Intelligence support packages include—

  • Land satellite (also called LANDSAT) imagery.
  • Land satellite digital terrain elevation data-merge (also called DTED-merge) imagery.
  • Target line drawings.
  • Photography (when available).
  • Multiscale electro-optical (also called EO) imagery.

NATIONAL GEOSPATIAL-INTELLIGENCE AGENCY PRODUCTS

3-44. NGA produces a range of products that can be useful in the urban environment. These products include city graphics, urban features databases, gridded installation imagery (Secret-level products), the geographic names database, terrain analysis products, imagery intelligence briefs, and annotated graphics

MULTINATIONAL

3-47. Due to classification issues, sharing intelligence during multinational operations can be challenging. It may be the case that U.S. forces are working in a multinational force that contains both member countries with whom the United States has close intelligence ties and others with whom the United States has few or no intelligence ties. In many cases intelligence personnel from other countries have unique skills that can significantly contribute to the friendly intelligence effort.

3-48. Establishing methods of exchanging battlefield information and critical intelligence as well as coordinating intelligence collection efforts can be crucial to the overall success of the mission. Reports from multinational force members can fill intelligence gaps for the U.S. forces and the multinational force as a whole.

3-49. The unique perspective of some of the multinational partners may provide U.S. intelligence analysts with key insights. (For example, during the Vietnam War, Korean forces used to living in environments similar to Vietnamese villages often noticed anomalies that Americans missed such as too much rice cooking in the pots for the number of people visible in the village.) Likewise, few countries have the sophisticated intelligence collection assets available to U.S. forces, and information that the U.S. may provide could be critical both to their mission success and to their force protection.

INTERNATIONAL AND INTERGOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS

3-50. International organizations (not NGOs) and intergovernmental organizations will often have a presence in areas in which U.S. forces may conduct operations, especially if those areas experience some type of unrest or upheaval prior to U.S. operations. International organizations and intergovernmental organizations include such agencies as the International Criminal Police Organization (also called Interpol), the United Nations, and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. When providing support or considering offering support to the local populace, international organizations and intergovernmental organizations usually conduct assessments of the local areas that focus on understanding the needs of the local populace, the ability of the infrastructure to enable their support or aid to be effectively provided, and the general security situation and stability of the area.

NONGOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS

3-53. As with international organizations and intergovernmental organizations, NGOs will often have a presence in areas in which U.S. forces may conduct operations. Since most of these organizations are concerned with providing support to the local populace, their presence tends to be especially prominent in areas experiencing or that recently experienced some type of unrest or upheaval prior to U.S. operations, during U.S. operations, or following U.S. operations.

3-54. NGOs strive to protect their shield of neutrality in all situations and do not generally offer copies of their assessments to government organizations. Nonetheless, it is often in their interest to make U.S. forces aware of their operations in areas under U.S. control. Representatives of individual NGOs operating in areas under U.S. control may provide U.S. forces with their detailed assessments of those areas in order to gain U.S. support either in the form of additional material aid for the local populace or for security considerations. (See JP 3-08 and FM 3-07.)

3-55. Individual NGO members are often highly willing to discuss what they have seen during their operations with U.S. forces personnel. Some NGOs have been used in the past as fronts for threat organizations seeking to operate against U.S. forces. Intelligence analysts must therefore carefully evaluate information provided by NGO personnel.

LOCAL NATIONAL AUTHORITIES

3-56. Local national authorities and former local national authorities know their populations and local infrastructure best. Key information can be gained from cooperative local national authorities or former authorities. Analysts must always be careful to consider that these authorities may be biased for any number of reasons.

3-57. Politicians usually know their populations very well or they would not be able to remain in office. They can provide detailed socio-cultural information on the populace within their region of control (for example, economic strengths and weaknesses or religious, ethnic, and tribal breakdowns). They are also usually aware of the infrastructure. Obviously, intelligence analysts must be aware that information provided by these personnel generally will be biased and almost certainly slanted in the long-term favor of that individual.

Chapter 4
Operations in the Urban Environment

OVERVIEW

4-1. In the urban environment, different types of operations (offense, defense, and stability) often occur simultaneously in adjacent portions of a unit’s AO. Intelligence support to operations in this extremely complex environment often requires a higher degree of specificity and fidelity in intelligence products than required in operations conducted in other environments. Intelligence staffs have finite resources and time available to accomplish their tasks. Realistically, intelligence staffs cannot expect to always be able to initially provide the level of specificity and number of products needed to support commanders.

4-2. Using the mission variables (METT-TC), intelligence staffs start prioritizing by focusing on the commander’s and operational requirements to create critical initial products. Requests for information to higher echelons can assist lower level intelligence sections in providing critical detail for these products. As lower level intelligence staffs create products or update products from higher, they must provide those products to higher so that higher can maintain an awareness of the current situation.

Once initial critical products have been built, intelligence staffs must continue building any additional support products required. Just as Soldiers continue to improve their foxholes and battle positions the longer they remain in place, intelligence staffs continue to improve and refine products that have already been built.

4-3. When preparing for operations in the urban environment, intelligence analysts consider the three primary characteristics of the urban environment as well as the threat.

Commanders and staffs require a good understanding of the civil considerations for the urban area as well as the situation in the surrounding region. This includes the governmental leaders and political organizations and structures, military and paramilitary forces, economic situation, sociological background, demographics, history, criminal organizations and activity, and any nongovernmental ruling elite (for example, factions, families, tribes). All are key factors although some are more important than others, depending on the situation in the target country. Intelligence personnel must assist the commander in correctly identifying enemy actions so U.S. forces can focus on the enemy and seize the initiative while maintaining an understanding of the overall situation.

4-7. Information collection is an activity that synchronizes and integrates the planning and employment of sensors and assets as well as the processing, exploitation, and dissemination systems in direct support of current and future operations (FM 3-55). This activity integrates the intelligence and operations staff functions focused on answering the commander’s critical information requirements. At the tactical level, intelligence operations, reconnaissance, security operations, and surveillance are the four primary tasks conducted as part of information collection. (See FM 3-55.) The intelligence warfighting function contributes to information collection through intelligence operations and the plan requirements and assess collection task.

4-8. Plan requirements and assess collection is the task of analyzing requirements, evaluating available assets (internal and external), recommending to the operations staff taskings for information collection assets, submitting requests for information for adjacent and higher collection support, and assessing the effectiveness of the information collection plan (ATP 2-01). It is a commander-driven, coordinated staff effort led by the G-2 or S-2. The continuous functions of planning requirements and assessing collection identify the best way to satisfy the requirements of the supported commander and staff. These functions are not necessarily sequential.

4-9. Intelligence operations are the tasks undertaken by military intelligence units and Soldiers to obtain information to satisfy validated requirements (ADRP 2-0). Intelligence operations collect information about the activities and resources of the threat or information concerning the characteristics of the operational environment. (See FM 2-0 for doctrine on intelligence operations.)

PLANNING CONSIDERATIONS

4-15. When planning for intelligence support to operations in the urban environment, the following must be accomplished:

  • Define priorities for information collection.
  • Coordinate for movement of information collection assets.
  • Coordinate for information and intelligence flow with all military intelligence units, non- military-intelligence units, other Service components and multinational organizations.
  • Establish liaison with all elements, organizations, and local nationals necessary for mission accomplishment and force protection.

4-16. One of the major factors when planning for most operations in urban environments is the local population and their potential effect on U.S. operations. Intelligence personnel must be cognizant of local national perceptions of U.S. forces, their environment, and the nature of the conflict. To engage successfully in this dynamic, U.S. forces must avoid mirror imaging, that is, imposing their own values on the threat courses of action. Careful study of the threat country, collaboration with country experts, and through the use of people with pertinent ethnic backgrounds in the wargaming process all contribute to avoiding mirror imaging.

4-18. The information collection plan must be as detailed as possible and must be regularly reviewed for changes during operations in constantly changing urban environments. The finite information collection resources available to any command must be feasibly allocated and reallocated as often as necessary in order to keep up with the fluid urban environment. Employing these assets within their capabilities, taking into consideration their limitations within the urban environment, is critical to ensuring that a focused intelligence effort is successful.

PREPARE

4-19. During the preparation for operations, intelligence staffs and collection assets must refine their products, collection plans, and reporting procedures. Establishing and testing the intelligence architecture (to include joint and multinational elements) is a critical activity during this phase. Intelligence staffs must ensure that all intelligence personnel are aware of the current situation and intelligence priorities are fully trained on both individual and collective tasks, and are aware of any limitations within the intelligence architecture that are relevant to them.

4-20. Additionally, intelligence staffs must ensure that targeting procedures are well-defined and executed. In urban environments, nonlethal targeting may be more prevalent than lethal targeting and must be fully integrated into the process.

EXECUTE

4-21. Execution of operations in urban environments requires continuous updating and refining of intelligence priorities and information collection plan as the situation changes in order to provide the necessary intelligence to the commander in a timely manner. (See ATP 2-01.) Timely reporting, processing, fusion, analysis, production, and dissemination of critical intelligence often must be done within a more compressed timeline in the fluid and complex urban environment than in other environments.

4-22. Large amounts of information are generally available for collection within the urban environment. Procedures must be set in place to sort the information to determine which information is relevant and which is not.

4-23. Reported information must always be carefully assessed and verified with other sources of intelligence and information to avoid acting on single-source reporting. In stability operations, where human intelligence is the primary source of intelligence, acting on single-source reporting is a constant pitfall. Situations may occur, however, where the consequences of not acting on unverified, single-source intelligence may be worse than any potential negative consequences resulting from acting on that unverified information.

ASSESS

4-24. As previously stated, operations in the urban environment, especially stability operations, can be extremely fluid. The intelligence staff must constantly reevaluate the TTP of U.S. forces due to the rapid changes in the situation and the threat’s adaptation to our TTP. New threat TTP or potential changes to threat TTP identified by intelligence analysts must be quickly provided to the commander and operations staff so that U.S. forces TTP can be adjusted accordingly.

4-29. Debriefing must occur as soon as possible after the completion of a mission to ensure that the information is obtained while it is still fresh in the Soldiers’ minds and to ensure that time-sensitive information is reported to intelligence channels immediately.

Appendix A
Urban Intelligence Tools and Products

OVERVIEW

A-1. The urban environment offers the analyst many challenges normally not found in other environments. The concentration of multiple environmental factors (high rises, demographic concerns, tunnels, waterways, and others) requires the intelligence analyst to prepare a detailed plan for collecting information within the urban environment.

A-2. There are numerous products and tools that may be employed in assessing the urban environment. Due to the complex nature of the urban environment, these tools and products normally will be used to assist in providing an awareness of the current situation and situational understanding.

A-3. The tools and products listed in this appendix are only some of the tools and products that may be used during operations in an urban environment. For purposes of this appendix items listed as tools are ones generally assumed to be used primarily within intelligence sections for analytical purposes. Products are generally assumed to be items developed at least in part by intelligence sections that are used primarily by personnel outside intelligence sections.

TOOLS

A-4. Intelligence analysis is the process by which collected information is evaluated and integrated with existing information to facilitate intelligence production (ADRP 2-0). There are numerous software applications available to the Army that can be used as tools to do analysis as well as to create relevant intelligence products for the urban environment. These software applications range from such programs as Analyst Notebook and Crimelink which have link analysis, association matrix, and pattern analysis software tools to the Urban Tactical Planner, which was developed by the Topographic Engineering Center as an operational planning tool and is available on the Digital Topographic Support System. The focus of this section, however, is on the types of tool that could be used in the urban environment rather than on the software or hardware that may be used to create or manipulate them. (See ATP 2-33.4 for doctrine on intelligence analysis.)

LINK ANALYSIS TOOLS

A-6. Link analysis is used to depict contacts, associations, and relationships between persons, events, activities, and organizations. Five types of link analysis tools are––

  • Link diagrams.
  • Association matrices.
  • Relationship matrices.
  • Activities matrices.
  • Time event charts.

Link Diagrams

A-7. This tool seeks to graphically depict relationships between people, events, locations, or other factors deemed significant in any given situation. Link diagrams help analysts better understand how people and factors are interrelated in order to determine key links. (See figure A-2.)

Relationship Matries

A-9. Relationship matrices are intended to depict the nature of relationships between elements of the operational area. The elements can include members from the noncombatant population, the friendly force, international organizations, and an adversary group. Utility infrastructure, significant buildings, media, and activities might also be included. The nature of the relationship between two or more components includes measures of contention, collusion, or dependency. The purpose of this tool is to demonstrate graphically how each component of the city interacts with the others and whether these interactions promote or degrade the likelihood of mission success. The relationships represented in the matrix can also begin to help the analysts in deciphering how to best use the relationship to help shape the environment.

A-10. The example relationship matrix shown in figure A-4, while not complete, is intended to show how the relationships among a representative compilation of population groups can be depicted. This example is an extremely simple version of what might be used during an operation in which many actors and other population elements are present.

A-12. Using figure A-4, there is a relationship of possible collusion that exists between the government and political group 3, and a friendly relationship between the government and the media. Some questions the intelligence analyst might ask when reviewing this information include—

  • How can the government use the media to its advantage?
  • Will the government seek to discredit political group3 using the media?
  • Will the population view the media’s reporting as credible?
  • Does the population see the government as willfully using the media to suit its own ends?

Activities Matrixes

A-13. Activities matrices help analysts connect individuals (such as those in association matrices) to organizations, events, entities, addresses, and activities—anything other than people. Information from this matrix, combined with information from association matrices, assists analysts in linking personalities as well.

LISTS AND TIMELINES OF KEY DATES

A-15. In many operations, including most stability operations, key local national holidays, historic events, and significant cultural and political events can be extremely important. Soldiers are often provided with a list of these key dates in order to identify potential dates of increased or unusual activity. These lists, however, rarely include a description of why these dates are significant and what can be expected to happen on the holiday. In some cases, days of the week themselves are significant. For example, in Bosnia weddings were often held on Fridays and celebratory fire was a common occurrence on Friday afternoons and late into the night.

As analytic tools, timelines might help the intelligence analyst predict how key sectors of the population might react to given circumstances.

CULTURE DESCRIPTION OR CULTURE COMPARISON CHART OR MATRIX

A-16. In order for the intelligence analyst to avoid the common mistake of assuming that only one perspective exists, it may be helpful to clearly point out the differences between local ideology, politics, predominant religion, acceptable standards of living, norms and mores, and U.S. norms. A culture comparison chart can be a stand-alone tool, listing just the different characteristics of the culture in question, or it can be comparative—assessing the host-nation population relative to known and familiar conditions.

PERCEPTION ASSESSMENT MATRIX

A-17. Perception assessment matrices are often used by psychological operations personnel and can be a valuable tool for intelligence analysts. Friendly force activities intended to be benign or benevolent might have negative results if a population’s perceptions are not considered, then assessed or measured. This is true because perceptions––more than reality––drive decision making and in turn could influence the reactions of entire populations. The perception assessment matrix seeks to provide some measure of effectiveness for the unit’s ability to reach an effect (for example, maintain legitimacy) during an operation. In this sense, the matrix can also be used to directly measure the effectiveness of the unit’s civil affairs, public affairs, and MISO efforts.

A-20. Perception can work counter to operational objectives. Perceptions should therefore be assessed both before and throughout an operation. Although it is not possible to read the minds of the local national population, there are several means to measure its perceptions:

  • Demographic analysis and cultural intelligence are key components of perception analysis.
  • Understanding a population’s history can help predict expectations and reactions.
  • Human intelligence can provide information on population perceptions.
  • Reactions and key activities can be observed in order to decipher whether people act based on real conditions or perceived conditions.
  • Editorial and opinion pieces of relevant newspapers can be monitored for changes in tone or opinion shifts that can steer or may be reacting to the opinions of a population group.

A-21. Perception assessment matrices aim to measure the disparities between friendly force actions and what population groups perceive.

PRODUCTS

A-23. When conducting operations in the urban environment, many products may be required. These products may be used individually or combined, as the mission requires. Many of the products listed in this appendix will be created in conjunction with multiple staff elements.

American CastroChavismo : Why Venezuela Matters

American media, public intellectuals and government officials have failed to present an accurate assessment of the threat that revolutionary leftist organizations that have declared their allegiance to foreign governments pose to the U.S. Constitution. The political unrest and media polarization which has accelerated over the past decade is not an organic response to grievances. It is the product of a twenty year-long strategy developed by anarchists, communists and secessionists in collaboration with foreign government actors. At present we are in year ten of a large-scale, clandestine effort involving tens of thousands of American to subvert and eventually annul the Constitution and replace it with one aligned with the U.N.’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights. 

To differentiate this particular historical effort from past political projects, Socialism should no longer be used to describe this movement of movements – instead we should say that American values and political systems are under siege from the political wing of criminal CastroChavista networks. 

What is American CastroChavismo? 

CastroChavismo is a repertoire of rhetorical schemes, organizational tactics, and criminal activities ranging from harassment, extortion, the trafficking of narcotics, and assassination to obtain and then maintain political power. American CastroChavismo refers to the political groups on the receiving end of the efforts of the Cuban Communist Party, the United Socialist Party of Venezuela and their allies to transfer this repertoire for the purpose of beginning a “People’s Insurgency”. American CastroChavismo groups have received political training in ALBA-TCP member states or received it from members of those countries in the United States, or were recruited into collaborating with the “red de redes” (network of networks) linked to the World Social Forum developed through the efforts of former president of Venezuela president Hugo Chavez, former president of Cuba Fidel Castro, and former commander of the FARC Alfonso Cano.  

Over the past two years I’ve investigated Venezuelan activities in the United States in connection to a grant financed by the Social Science Research Council. My goal was to discover where within Facebook’s Condor Dataset I would be the most likely to find coordinated inauthentic behavior and disinformation operations. My quest to answer this research question began with my examination of Foreign Agent Registration Act documents submitted to the U.S. Department of Justice by Venezuelan government contractors, official reports and proposals published by Cuba, Ecuador and the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela as well as their Ministries of Popular Power. I read statements made by officials, the journals of the FARC-EP, Resistencia, and the ELN, Insurrección, along with numerous other open source documents. What I read soon led me to start examining a large body of publications produced by social movements linked to the World Social Forum, as well as academic papers about these groups. After I organized all the facts into chronological order and developed a relational database which contains the names, dates, locations and activities of thousands of encounters between U.S. politicians, grassroots activists and, Cuban and Venezuelan government officials or their proxies a story emerge which I share below in the form of a montage.

Antifa Born in Havana and Raised in the United States 

The lead-up to the U.S. invasion of Iraq set the stage for the development of American CastroChavismo. After a proposal in the Sao Paulo Forum was seconded by the European Social Forum, political bodies that facilitate coordination amongst social movements and Socialist parties, a day of coordinated protests was decided. On February 15th, 2003, in some 800 cities across the world people marched in opposition to the then imminent invasion of Iraq. The event didn’t dissuade George W. Bush, but did provide an indication of the numerical size and magnitude of American’s discontent with their government, and it did result in numerous attendees providing their contact information to a variety of groups that would soon use it as a means of organizational recruitment. On April 12, 2003, three weeks after March 19th, 2003 invasion was underway, a call was made for the formation of a new Anti-Fascist Internationale in Granma, the newspaper of the Cuban Communist Party.

Following this announcement FARA documents, movement publications and journalistic accounts show that Cuba and Venezuela began an effort at building relationships with grassroots U.S. radical political activists – much as Cuba did with armed revolutionary groups in Latin America immediately following Castro’s seizure of power – as well as Democratic Party officials in the Black Congressional Caucus and the Progressive Caucus. 

In October 2003 the CastroChavista Network in Defense of Humanity was formed. In their self-published magazine is an extensive speech by Hugo Chavez which describes the necessity for informational warfare to be waged against the U.S. Reading it one also learns that the goals of this group is to promote anti-American publications through academic support networks. One of the renowned public intellectuals which signed onto this document is Howard Zinn and one of the groups that would later thank this network for their work is the FARC-EP.

On September 5th, 2005 the Common Grounds Collective was founded. The People’s Hurricane Relief Fund was one of the groups that received money from Citgo and became a means by which Venezuelan ambassadors and Communist activists could organize meetings. On a pirate radio station, anarchist activist and later Antifa organizer Scott Crow would “describe Common Ground as “a paramilitary organization.” One of the organization’s founders, Brandon Darby, would later claim that while on a trip to Venezuela government officials sought to introduce him to the FARC.  In June of 2005 700 U.S. activists – including members of the Young Communist League, Socialist Workers Party, and Project South – fly to Caracas, Venezuela to attend training at the World Youth Festival – a network which the U.S. government previously categorized as a Communist Front Organization. 

The August 2005 FARA Reporting log for the Venezuela Information Office (VIO) shows that the VIO called numerous U.S. activist groups to encourage them to participate in a Social Forum in Boston and emphasized that Venezuelan government officials would be in attendance. Those contacted – all of whom would attend the March 6th to the 9th 2006 conference – included the Democratic Socialists of America, the Communist Party of the United States and the regional director of ACORN (the Association of Community Organizations for Reform Now. In the October 27th, 2005 edition of the newspaper for the Workers World Party – a revolutionary Marxist organization – they announced a Cuban/Venezuelan/American Labor Conference to be held in Tijuana, Mexico from December 9th to the 11th that they are helping organize. On December 20th, 2005 CITGO – under the direction of Hugo Chavez – launched an oil heating program. A large part of it would go to indigenous tribes – that some say swung the 2020 Presidential election in Arizona to Joe Biden – and community activist groups. By the time the program was suspended in 2014, it had given almost 500 million dollars worth of oil.  

During the World Social Forum held January 24th – 29th in Caracas, it’s decided that a United States Social Forum will be held in 2007. A Border Forum held October 13th – 15th, in Ciudad Juarez, Mexico helps to prepare for it. Throughout 2006 – and for many years after – Venezuelan ambassadors Bernardo Alvarez Herrera, Martin Sanchez, Omar Sierra as well as labor attache’s such as Marcos Garcia and others attended socialist conferences, political assemblies of secessionist groups, forums with Communist unions and took meetings with aldermen and representatives from the Black Congressional Congress to advertise the success of the “Venezuela model” of politics, to develop sister cities programs. One of the politicians who strikes a deal with the PSUV-led CITGO is Senator Bernie Sanders

June 27th to July 1st of 2007 the first national United States Social Forum was held in Atlanta and it brought together over 20,000 activists. This is, arguably, the most important event for the American Communist movement in over a century. While a delegation of Cubans are not given visas to to attend, numerous Castroist groups ensures their geopolitical interests are voiced and Venezuelan ambassadors socialize and sit it on the strategy meetings. Young Democratic Socialists of American member and future founder of Jacobin Bhaskar Sunkara are on a panel with a government official. Outside the U.S. – in Nairobi, Kenya – the World Social Forum there will soon lead to an impact on U.S. politics. Julian Assange will attend and find himself so impressed by the Kenyan Communist Party – which is allied to Hugo Chavez – that he stays there two years in an effort to contribute to ensure that Another World is Possible. When threatened with jail another Chavez ally, Ecuadorian president Rafael Correa, will help him avoid arrest.

May 30-June 1 of 2008 at the Sonja Haynes Stone Black Culture and History Center in Chapel Hill, North Carolina over 70 people from 17 states and 20 cities got together to launch the Black Left Unity Network – an organization that is avowedly Chavista, has participated in the Social Forum, and will go on to advocate on the Black Lives Matter Platform.

In 2009 former Vice President of the Republic of New Afrika, a black secessionist movement, Chokwe Lumumba, ran to be on the City Council of Jackson, Mississippi. He forms a People’s Movement Assembly in Jackson, Mississippi prior to his run and uses the connections made from his work as President of the Coordinating Committee for the Venezuelan government sponsored People’s Hurricane Relief and Oversight to obtain fuel and lightbulbs via the Citizens Energy program. He wins, and later becomes the Mayor despite concerns that much of his  campaign was paid for by outside money

From June 22-26, 2010 in Detroit, Michigan another United States Social Forum was held. Venezuelan ambassadors are in attendance, as are two of the founders of Black Lives Matter – Alicia Garza and Patrisse Cullors. During the event marches are held in order to free Simón Trinidad, a high-ranking member of the FARC-EP, and at the end of the event a National Social Movement Agenda is set across 13 fronts of struggle with a twenty year-long strategy for achieving it.  

In July, 2010 the CastroChavista “Union Meeting for Our America” network hosted a number of U.S. based unions. Several chapters of the American Federation of Teachers, United Auto Workers and the SEIU as well the representatives for UNITE Here, Union del Barrio and the Union of California Faculty sign the Caracas Declaration. 

In 2011 New York, Occupy Wall Street was launched primarily from the efforts of activists linked to the Right to the City Movement – which emerged from the Social Forum network – and Communist Parties. In Venezuela, at the International Meeting for Revolutionary Transformations a new network called the Afro-descendant Regional Articulation of Latin America and the Caribbean (ARAAC) is formed. Several years later, on November 7th, 2018 in Boston, the U.S. chapter cofounder of this CastroChavista organization Yvette Lepolata thank Democratic Socialists of America Congresswoman Ayanna Pressley for work done on their behalf will later host multiple events with it’s Venezuelan founder and ambassador to the U.S. Jesus “Chucho” Garcia.

On May 19th, 2012 over 300 anti-imperialist and progressive community activists from across the US gathered at the Centro Autonomo in Chicago to launch the International League of People’s Struggle, an umbrella group of activists linked to foreign Communist parties. Jesús Rodríguez-Espinoza, a Venezuelan Ambassador, addressed this founding assembly whose chair and spokesperson is Jose Maria Sison, a Communist in the Philippines.

August 22nd, 2015 at North Carolina Central University Venezuela ambassador Jesus “Chucho” Garcia gives an interview wherein he claims that UNESCO’s Afro-Descendant Decade was developed a result of agitation by Venezuelan and Cuban Communists, and that their goal is to use this effort to promote the same nexus of movements which brought Hugo Chavez and Nicolas Maduro into power: Afro-Indigenous Socialism. In We Are the Ones We Have Been Waiting for: Pan-African Consciousness Raising and Organizing in the United States and Venezuela the doctoral thesis of NCCU alumni Layla Brown-Vincent,  describes “Chucho” giving similar speeches going back to the mid 2000s and meeting with groups such as Black Workers for Justice, the All African People’s Revolutionary Party, Cooperation Jackson and other revolutionary Black nationalist groups.  

The 2nd annual Sao Paulo Forum held June, 17th 2017 at the St. Stephen & the Incarnation Episcopal Church in Washington D.C., the Democratic Socialists of America, the Communist Party, Black Lives Matter, SEIU, and other groups long associated with the Forum meet with the representatives of the Venezuelan, Nicaraguan and Bolivian governments. Four months later, September 16th and 17th Venezuelan Ambassador Carlos Ron, several Venezuelan media contractors, and other Social Forum Leaders along with around five hundred people attended the inaugural People’s Congress of Resistance.

In 2017 the CastroChavista World Social Forum on Migrations hosted U.S. based groups such as Alianza Americas and Casa de Maryland – the latter of which had previously received $1.5 million dollars from Hugo Chavez. Despite the availability of extensive open source information like that listed which above shows the connection between Social Forum events, Cuba and Venezuela – President Donald Trump and Vice President Mike Pence are summarily dismissed in the mainstream press as conspiracy mongers when they declare that Nicolas Maduro and domestic Leftist groups are supporting the Migrant Caravan. 

Though CastroChavista political networks in the United States continue to impact politics into the present, and to an extent far greater than what the above montage of activities demonstrate, I’m stopping here because this last entry and everything leading up to it allows for three important conclusions to be deduced. 

The first deduction to be derived from the above account is that political ads, posts by bots on social media and fake news are not as significant assessing the impact of foreign influence in domestic U.S. politics as the creation, funding and management of fifth columns. Such an evaluation is all the more so true considering that the infiltration and organizing within social media companies of radicals aligned to the forum as well as former Venezuelan ambassadors with links to revolutionary movements like, Martin Sanchez, who has a position of power over what Facebook users are presented with in their feed, means that indicators such as “number of posts shared or viewed” aren’t necessarily valid.

The second is that the mainstream journalism’s unwillingness to rigorously investigate the activities of American social movements, niche political parties and radical unions have made Americans ignorant to the significant network effects of their convergence, alliance and collaboration with the governments of Cuba, Venezuela and others in the new Anti-Fascist, i.e. Communist, Internationale.

Lastly, recognizing that American CastroChavismo is a continental project means that it must be understood in relation to its siblings in South America, Central America and the Caribbean. Because of this it’s important to understand at the same time that political activists who would later become the leaders of loosely affiliated network organizations such as Antifa and Black Lives Matter were meeting with Venezuelan ambassadors, the FARC-EP was beginning to shape the trans-national political activist organization which would later become the Bolivarian Continental Movement. The relationship between this funded-by-kidnapping-and-narco-trafficking, armed Marxist insurgency’s efforts at exploiting social movements in their favor and Venezuela is made clear in a November 24, 2004 letter by Raúl Reyes, the FARC’s second-in-command, to another member of the FARC General Secretariat. In this document discovered following the capture of Reyes’ computer in Ecuador, it’s now known that Fort Tiuna, the main government military and intelligence center in Venezuela, is where the Bolivarian Continental Movement is headquartered. Unless citizens want to see the rhetorical schemes, organizational tactics, criminal activities, and armed insurgencies that have led so many to flee their homelands, we must be vigilant against all of the toxic and foreign effects of American CastroChavismo.

The Limits of Activity Based Intelligence Development

Only so much information can be gathered from open source materials on American CastroChavismo. Contracts and pacts made in private can only be included if those involved divulge details. While the facts listed above and those not included tell a compelling story of American subversion, the fact patterns which emerge from this process presents a worrisome constellation that speaks to the hidden core of the contemporary condition of American politics. 

Some questions able to be formulated are simple and speculative, but still sensible guides that ought to justify law enforcement inquiries. For example:  

Is it rational to assume that Nicolas Maduro –  who has the means, motive, and opportunity to subvert the U.S. constitutional order; who leads a party whose goals include the subversion of the United States; that has been indicted with other members of his administration on criminal charges; and that has at his disposal a network of actors sympathetic to his cause – is engaged in additional illegal activities through these associations? 

Some of the questions are more complex and relate to legal matters.

Given six members of the National Lawyers Guild were invited to participate in a meeting with Venezuelan Embassy Staff on the 15th May, 2006; the organization’s participation in the various Social Forums; their July 4-16, 2015 travel to Venezuela for the purposes of expressing Solidarity, and their prior designation as a Communist Party front group – is it appropriate to consider their support of those engaged in rioting following the death of George Floyd as being activities engaged in on behalf of a foreign government? Isn’t this illegal, and worth an investigation by law enforcement? 

In light of the fact that the SEIU has been involved in Cuban and Venezuelan solidarity activities and the Social Forum process since its founding; has had their leadership receive awards from Nicolas Maduro; is – according to Jaime Contreras  – an organization with a membership composition that is 60% immigrant; and that Nicolas Maduro pays those that protest in Venezuela on his behalf would it not be likely that there is some sort of ongoing financial remuneration occurring via proxies –  a typical CastroChavista tactic – to encourage SEIU members (and other groups like it) to direct wages to political efforts? Isn’t this illegal, and worth an investigation by law enforcement?

These aren’t questions that I am equipped to answer. 

And yet they and others like it need to be posed to the myriad individuals and groups not listed above and resolved publicly no matter how socially or professionally uncomfortable they are. The gravity of the consequences of uncontested American CastroChavismo is too consequential. 

It’s not hyperbolic for a risk assessment of American CastroChavismo to claim that the subversion of the United States Constitution and the forfeiture of national sovereignty they agitate for means that authoritarian Socialism is on the horizon.

The Size and Significance of American CastroChavismo

Since Cuba’s announcement of the formation of an Antifascist International and Venezuela’s cultivation of clandestine communist groups and social movements in the U.S numerous cities have adopted significant policies in contravention to the United States Constitution. Sanctuary Cities have proliferated, in San Francisco ex-Venezuelan government translator turned District Attorney Chesa Boudin has effectively legalized many crimes and Democratic Party mayors and governors that for the moment benefit from these groups political capabilities have also shirked their duties and integrity in anticipation of political gain. Many of the groups and events linked to the CastroChavista Social Forum have gotten extensive media coverage – Black Lives Matter, Antifa, the Standing Rock Protest Swarms, the Democratic Socialists of America – and yet the twenty-year long strategy we are now a decade into has remained hidden. 

At the date of publication of this article Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana’s research for the Social Science Research Council has enabled us to identify several political parties and over two hundred social movements and NGOs aligned with the CastroChavismo. Because we do not include the Islamist groups that CastroChavistas frequently collaborate with, a reflection of the Venezuelan alliance with Iran, Hezzbollah and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, nor Chinese groups – this number should be understood to be on the low end. 

We’ve identified thirty-eight English language media organizations that qualify as disseminators of CastroChavista propaganda. Because we do not include all of the companies that have hired journalists and commentators whose media contributions can be categorized as CastroChavista, this number should also be understood to be on the low end. 

The rhetorical tropes and ideologically imbued narratives of these groups legitimize and  valorize anti-Constitutional subversion and the normalization of criminal and unethical activities. Normalizing harassment, extortion, sabotage, hacking, politically motivated non-enforcement of crimes and similar activities are the precursors for an armed domestic insurgency.  This is the very definition of irregular warfare. 

Boaventura de Sousa Santos, a Distinguished Legal Scholar at the University of Wisconsin-Madison describes the variety of struggles that converge at the Social Forum events as follows in his article “A Left Of The Future: The World Social Forum And Beyond”: “The social struggles that find expression in the World Social Forum… are extremely diverse and appear spread out in a continuum between the poles of institutionalism and insurgency. Even the concept of non-violence is open to widely disparate interpretations.” 

American CastroChavismo, in other words, is neither separated by a geographical border nor an ideological one: it is an effort at normalizing guerilla politics and corruption so that power can be taken from the citizen and wielded by the dictator that deems themself enlightened. Venezuela Matters because of their efforts to develop guerilla politics within our borders, which as of yet has not the same success as it has had elsewhere.

***

Ariel Sheen is an Investigator and Project Manager for a Social Science Research Council grant examining Venezuela’s political and media operations in the United States in partnership with Harvard University and Facebook via Social Science One. He is a doctoral student in the Technology and Innovation Management program at Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana in Medellín, a Colombian national scholarship recipient and was awarded a Don Lavoie Fellowship at George Mason University. He received his Master’s degree in Experimental Humanities & Social Engagement from New York University and is the translator of Bolivarians Speak: Documents from the PCC, PSUV, FARC-EP & Allies Irregular War Against the United States and Guerrilla Girls Like FARC Poetry: Selected Poems of Jesús Santrich. He has also worked as a communications and digital media strategist, data scientist, and business intelligence consultant.

Quotes from Alicia Garza’s The Purpose of Power: How We Come Together When We Fall Apart

The Purpose of Power: How We Come Together When We Fall Apart by Alicia Garza provides an autobiographical accounting of one the founders of Black Lives Matter. The following are Excerpts from Alicia Garza’s book The Purpose of Power, with a thematic description of the text above it.

On Black Lives Matter and Movement Building

“Even though I’d been an organizer for more than ten years when Black Lives Matter began, it was the first time I’d been part of something that garnered so much attention. Being catapulted from a local organizer who worked in national coalitions to the international spotlight was unexpected.”

“I’ve been asked many times over the years what an ordinary person can do to build a movement from a hashtag. Though I know the question generally comes from an earnest place, I still cringe every time I am asked it. You cannot start a movement from a hashtag. Hashtags do not start movements—people do. Movements do not have official moments when they start and end, and there is never just one person who initiates them. Movements are much more like waves than they are like light switches. Waves ebb and flow, but they are perpetual, their starting point unknown, their ending point undetermined, their direction dependent upon the conditions that surround them and the barriers that obstruct them. We inherit movements. We recommit to them over and over again even when they break our hearts, because they are essential to our survival.”

“You cannot start a movement from a hashtag. Only organizing sustains movements, and anyone who cannot tell you a story of the organizing that led to a movement is not an organizer and likely didn’t have much to do with the project in the first place.

Movements are the story of how we come together when we’ve come apart.”

On Activists and Influencers 

“The emergence of the activist-as-celebrity trend matters. It matters for how we understand how change happens (protest and add water), it matters for how we understand what we’re fighting for (do people become activists to create personal “influencer” platforms or because they are committed to change?), and it matters for how we build the world we want. If movements can be started from hashtags, we need to understand what’s underneath those hashtags and the platforms they appear on: corporate power that is quickly coming together to reshape government and civil society, democracy and the economy.”

On Revolutionary Theory

“FRANTZ FANON SAID THAT “EACH generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfill it, or betray it.” This is the story of movements: Each generation has a mission that has been handed to it by those who came before. It is up to us to determine whether we will accept that mission and work to accomplish it, or turn away and fail to achieve it.

There are few better ways to describe our current reality. Generations of conflict at home and abroad have shaped the environment we live in now. It is up to us to decide what we will do about how our environment has been shaped and how we have been shaped along with it. How do we know what our mission is, what our role is, and what achieving the mission looks like, feels like? Where do we find the courage to take up that which has been handed to us by those who themselves determined that the status quo is not sufficient? How do we transform ourselves and one another into the fighters we need to be to win and keep winning?”

“Before we can know where we’re going—which is the first question for anything that calls itself a movement—we need to know where we are, who we are, where we came from, and what we care most about in the here and now. That’s where the potential for every movement begins.

We are all shaped by the political, social, and economic contexts of our time. ”

On Revolutionary Practice

“Our wildly varying perspectives are not just a matter of aesthetic or philosophical or technological concern. They also influence our understanding of how change happens, for whom change is needed, acceptable methods of making change, and what kind of change is possible. My time, place, and conditions powerfully shaped how I see the world and how I’ve come to think about change.”

The Interpretation of History that Shaped her Worldview

“By the time I came into the world, the revolution that many had believed was right around the corner had disintegrated. Communism was essentially defeated in the Soviet Union. The United States, and Black people within it, began a period of economic decline and stagnation—briefly interrupted by catastrophic bubbles—that Black communities have never recovered from. ”

“The gulf between the wealthy and poor and working-class communities began to widen. And a massive backlash against the accomplishments won during the 1960s and 1970s saw newly gained rights undermined and unenforced.

But just like in any period of lull, even in the quiet, the seeds of the next revolution were being sown.

Many believe that movements come out of thin air. We’re told so many stories about movements that obscure how they come to be, what they’re fighting for, and how they achieve success. As a result, some of us may think that movements fall from the sky..”

“Those stories are not only untrue, they’re also dangerous. Movements don’t come out of thin air.”

Political Ideology and Strategic Frameworks

“In the United States, “right wing” usually refers to people who are economically, socially, or politically conservative. What does it mean to be “conservative”? I’m using “conservative” to describe people who believe that hierarchy or inequality is a result of a natural social order in which competition is not only inevitable but desirable, and the resulting inequality is just and reflects the natural order. Typically, but not always, the natural order is held to have been determined and defined by God or some form of social Darwinism. ”

“One component of the successful religious-right strategy included building out an infrastructure of activist organizations that could reach even more people and influence the full range of American politics. ”

“The religious right developed the wide, more geographically distributed base of voters that the neoconservatives and the new right needed to complete their takeover of the Republican Party. These factions had many differences in approach, long-term objectives, overall vision, values, and ideology. The corporate Republicans wanted deregulation, union busting, and a robust military-industrial complex. The neoconservatives wanted to fight communism and establish global American military hegemony and American control over the world’s resources. The social conservatives wanted to roll back the gains of civil rights movements and establish a religious basis and logic for American government. And yet, even amid their differences, where they are powerful is where their interests align; they are able to work through those differences in order to achieve a common goal.”

[…] 

“Under Reaganism, personal responsibility became the watchword. If you didn’t succeed, it was because you didn’t want to succeed. If you were poor, it was because of your own choices. And if you were Black, you were exaggerating just how bad things had become.

Reagan declared a War on Drugs in America the year after I was born. His landmark legislation, the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986, enacted mandatory minimum sentences for drugs. This single piece of legislation was responsible for quadrupling the prison population after 1980 and changing the demographics in prisons and jails, where my mother worked as a guard, from proportionally white to disproportionately Black and Latino. ”

On Regan 

“Reagan stoked public fears about “crack babies” and “crack whores.” The Reagan administration was so successful at this manipulation that, in 1986, crack was named the Issue of the Year by Time magazine.”

“Reagan led the popular resistance to the movements fighting against racism and poverty in the Global South that characterized the 1960s and 1970s. Significantly, he alluded to protest movements in the United States being used as tools of violence by the USSR, playing on widespread fears about a communist takeover of the United States and abroad. He also used fears of communism to authorize an invasion of Grenada, a then-socialist Caribbean country, to increase United States morale after a devastating defeat in Vietnam a few years prior, and to increase support for pro-U.S. interventions in El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Guatemala. Reagan also supported the apartheid regime in South Africa.”

“The War on Drugs had begun to morph into the War on Gangs. Economic policy shifts meant that white families moved out of the cities and into the suburbs. Television news programs and newspapers were swelling with stories of crime and poverty in the inner cities. Since there was little discussion of the policies that had created such conditions, the popular narrative of the conservative movement within both parties blamed Black communities for the conditions we were trying to survive. More and more pieces of legislation, written under the blueprint of the conservative movement but extending across political party lines, targeted Black communities with increased surveillance and enforcement, along with harsher penalties. None of these legislative accomplishments included actually fighting the problems, because this movement had created those problems in the first place.”

On San Francisco Activism

“I volunteered at an organization to end sexual violence called San Francisco Women Against Rape (SFWAR)”

“My volunteer duties at SFWAR felt more aligned with my emerging sense of politics, but they also helped shape my understanding of my own identity: Most of the staff was queer and of color. Being in that environment helped me explore my own sexuality, as I found myself attracted to and attractive to dykes and butches and trans people. During our training as volunteers, we learned about various systems of oppression—much as I had in college—but this learning was not academic; it wasn’t detached from our own experiences. We were seeing how those systems functioned on the ground, in people’s real lives—in our lives.

SFWAR was going through a transition: It was trying to move from a one-way organization that simply provided services in response to a pressing need to one that had a two-way relationship with the people who received them—both providing services and learning from, adapting to, and integrating the recipients into the process. This shift brought with it some upheaval, internally and externally. There wasn’t a clear agreement internally about which direction to head in. Having taken on a more explicitly political stance, SFWAR was being attacked from the outside—and the work itself was hard enough without the added stress of death threats coming through our switchboard or funders threatening to withdraw.”

[…]

“My time at SFWAR was coming to a close, and one day I received a notice on a listserv I belonged to advertising a training program for developing organizers. They were looking for young people, ages eighteen to thirty, to apply to participate in an eight-week program that promised “political education trainings” and “organizing intensives.” Each person selected would be placed in a community-based organization for training, and many organizations were inclined to hire the interns if their time during the sum”

On Community Organizing

“Community organizing is often romanticized, but the actual work is about tenacity, perseverance, and commitment. It’s not the same as being a pundit, declaring your opinions and commentary about the world’s events on your social media platforms. Community organizing is the messy work of bringing people together, from different backgrounds and experiences, to change the conditions they are living in. It is the work of building relationships among people who may believe they have nothing in common so that together they can achieve a common goal. That means that as an organizer, you help different parts of the community learn about one another’s histories and embrace one another’s humanity as an incentive to fight together. An organizer challenges their own faults and deficiencies while encouraging others to challenge theirs. An organizer works well in groups and alone. Organizers are engaged in solving the ongoing puzzle of how to build enough power to change the conditions that keep people in misery.”

Working with POWER

“In 2005, I joined a small grassroots organization called People Organized to Win Employment Rights (POWER) to help start a new organizing project focused on improving the lives of Black residents in the largest remaining Black community in San Francisco.

I’d been following POWER for a long time. It was founded in 1997 with the mission to “end poverty and oppression once and for all.” POWER was best known for its work to raise the minimum wage in San Francisco to what was, at the time, the highest in the country, and for its resistance to so-called welfare reform, which it dubbed “welfare deform.” POWER was unique among grassroots organizations in San Francisco because of its explicit focus on Black communities. That was one of the aspects that attracted me to the organization’s work. POWER was everything I was looking for in an organization at that point in my life—a place where I could learn, a place where I would be trained in the craft of organizing and in the science of politics, and a place where I didn’t have to leave my beliefs, my values, and my politics at the door each day when I went I went to work.

Joining POWER would change how I thought about organizing forever.”

“We had a robust network of volunteers who would be willing to help gather the signatures needed. We’d begun working closely with the Nation of Islam, environmental justice organizations like Greenaction for Health and Environmental Justice and the Sierra Club, and other faith-based organizers who would lend their support. After talking with our coalition partners, as well as the membership that POWER had built in the neighborhood, and debating the best approach, we decided to give it a shot.”

“Shortly after we qualified for the ballot measure, our coalition started hearing “may be safe to say that Black communities want to see a better world for themselves and their families, it isn’t accurate to assume that Black people believe that all Black people will make it there or deserve to. While some of us deeply understand the ways in which systems operate to determine our life chances, others believe deeply in a narrative that says we are responsible for our own suffering—because of the choices we make or the opportunities we fail to seize. Some Black people think we are our own worst enemy.

 

On Working as an Organizer 

“As organizers, our goal was to get those in the 99 percent to put the blame where it actually belonged—with the people and institutions that profited from our misery. And so, “unite to fight” is a call to bring those of us stratified and segregated by race, class, gender, sexuality, ability and body, country of origin, and the like together to fight back against truly oppressive power and to resist attempts to drive wedges between us. More than a slogan, “the 99 percent” asserts that we are more similar than we are different and that unity among people affected by a predatory economy and a faulty democracy will help us to build an unstoppable social movement.

Many of the organizations that I helped to build between 2003 and today upheld the principle of “unite to fight” before “the 99 percent” was a popular phrase. This orientation is not just important for the potential of a new America; it is important for the potential of a globally interdependent world.”

On Political Strategy

“When I began working at POWER in 2005, our organization had an explicit strategy that involved building a base of African Americans and immigrant Latinos. In fact, our model of multiracial organizing was one that other organizations looked to for inspiration on how to build multiracial organizations. The National Domestic Workers Alliance, where I currently work, is a multiracial organization comprising Pacific Islanders, Black immigrants, U.S.-born Black people, South Asians and others from the Asian diaspora, immigrant Latinos, Chicanas, and working-class white people. My organizing practice and my life have been enriched by having built strong relationships with people of all races and ethnicities. I’ve had the opportunity to interrupt stereotypes and prejudices that I didn’t even know I held about other people of color, and interrupting those prejudices helps me see us all as a part of the same effort.

Capitalism and racism have mostly forced people to live in segregated spaces. If I stayed in my neighborhood for a full day, I could go the entire time without seeing a white person. Similarly, in other neighborhoods, I could go a whole day without seeing a Black person or another person of color. ”

The United States Social Forum

“In 2007, I was still working with POWER. That June, we helped organize a delegation of thirty people for a trip to the United States Social Forum in Atlanta, Georgia. Half of our delegation was Black—some of whom were members of our Bayview Hunters Point Organizing Project—and the other half were immigrant Latina domestic workers.”

“I’d been a part of many national and international efforts by this time, including the last United States Social Forum, a major gathering of social justice activists that had taken place in Detroit a few years before. While those experiences had taught me a lot about how to build relationships with people with different backgrounds and agendas, that kind of work is also difficult. When you’re an outsider, it’s hard to build trust.”

“In 2007, I attended the United States Social Forum, where more than 10,000 activists and organizers converged to share strategies to interrupt the systems of power that impacted our everyday lives. It was one of my first trips with POWER, and I was eager to prove myself by playing a role in helping to coordinate our delegation of about thirty members, along with the staff. One day, the director of the organization invited me to attend a meeting with him.”

“The meeting was of a new group of Black organizers from coalitions across the country, joining to work together in service of Black people in a new and more systematic way. I was excited about the potential of what could happen if this meeting was successful. I was becoming politicized in this organization, learning more about the history of Black people’s efforts to live a dignified life, and I yearned to be part of a movement that had a specific focus on improving Black lives.

When we arrived, I looked around the room, and out of about a hundred people who were crowded together, there were only a handful of women. Literally: There were five Black women and approximately ninety-five Black men.

An older Black man called the meeting to order. I sat next to my co-worker, mesmerized and nervous. Why were there so few Black women here? I wondered. In our local organizing, most of the people who attended our meetings were Black women. The older Black man talked for about forty minutes. When he finally stopped talking, man after man spoke, long diatribes about what Black people needed to be doing, addressing our deficits  

“as a result of a sleeping people who had lost our way from who we really were. That feeling I used to get as a kid when my dad would yell to my mother or me to make him coffee began to bubble up inside me. Nervous but resolute, I raised my hand.

“So,” I began, “I appreciate what you all have had to say.” I introduced myself and the organization I was a part of, and then I continued: “I believe in the liberation you believe in, and I work every day for that. I heard you say a lot, but I didn’t hear you say anything about where women fit into this picture. Where do queer people fit in this vision you have for Black liberation?” I had just delivered my very own Sojourner Truth “Ain’t I a Woman?” speech, and the room fell silent.

It was hot in there. The air hung heavy in the packed room. People shifted uncomfortably in their seats. Some of the men in the room refused to make eye contact with me. Had I said something wrong? In the forty minutes the older man had spent talking, and the additional forty minutes the other men took up agreeing profusely over the liberation of Black men, not one mention was made of how Black people as a whole find freedom.

 It was as if when they talked about Black men, one should automatically assume that meant all Black people. I looked at him, at first with shyness and then, increasingly, with defiance. He started to talk about how important “the sisters” were to the project of Black liberation, but by then, for me, it was too late. The point had already been made. And there my impostor syndrome kicked in again. Who did this Black girl think she was, questioning the vision and the leadership of this Black man?”

On Revolutionary Theory and Practice

“Political education is a tool for understanding the political contexts we live in. It helps individuals and groups analyze the social and economic trends, the policies and the ideologies influencing our lives—and use this information to develop strategies to change the rules and transform power.

It comes in different forms. Popular education, developed by Brazilian educator Paulo Freire, is a form of political education where the “educator” and the “participants” engage in learning together to reflect on critical issues facing their communities and then take action to address those issues. I once participated in a workshop that used popular-education methods to explain exploitation in capitalism, and—despite two bachelor’s degrees, in anthropology and sociology—my world completely opened up. I’d taken classes that explored Marxist theory but had never learned how it came to life through Third World liberation struggles, how poor people in Brazil and South Africa and Vietnam used those theories to change their governments, change the rules, and change their conditions. Had I learned about those theories in ways that actually applied to my life, my context, my experience, I probably would have analyzed and applied them differently. Because the information had little context that interested me, I could easily dismiss it (mostly because I didn’t totally understand it) and miss an opportunity to see my world a little more clearly.”

On Education

“In this country, education has often been denied to parts of the population—for instance, Black students in the post–Reconstruction and Jim Crow eras, or students today in underfinanced and abandoned public schools. Given our complicated history with education, some people involved in movements for change don’t like the idea of education or political education as a way to build a base. 

This form of anti-intellectualism—the tendency to avoid theory and study when building movements—is a response to the fact that not everyone has had an equal chance to learn. But education is still necessary.

For those of us who want to build a movement that can change our lives and the lives of the people we care about, we must ask ourselves: How can we use political education to help build the critical thinking skills and analysis of those with whom we are building a base? We cannot build a base or a movement without education.

On Gramsci, Hegemony and Cultural Marxism

Antonio Gramsci was an Italian Marxist philosopher and politician whose work offers some important ideas about the essential role of political education. Gramsci was born in 1891 in Sardinia, Italy. He co-founded the Italian Communist Party and was imprisoned by Benito Mussolini’s fascist regime. While he was in prison, Gramsci wrote Prison Notebooks, a collection of more than thirty notebooks and 3,000 pages of theory, analysis, and history.

Gramsci is best known for his theories of cultural hegemony, a fancy term for how the state and ruling class instill values that are gradually accepted as “common sense”—in other words, what we consider to be normal or the status quo. Gramsci studied how people come to consent to the status quo. According to Gramsci, there are two ways that the state can persuade its subjects to do what it wants: through force and violence, or through consent. While the state does not hesitate to use force in pursuit of its agenda, it also knows that force is not a sustainable option for getting its subjects to do its will. Instead, the state relies on consent to move its agenda, and the state manufactures consent through hegemony, or through making its values, rules, and logic the “common sense” of the masses. In that way, individuals willingly go along with the state’s program rather than having to be coerced through violence and force.

This doesn’t mean that individuals are not also coerced through violence and force, particularly when daring to transgress the hegemony of the state. American hegemony is white, male, Christian, and heterosexual. That which does not support that common sense is aggressively surveilled and policed, sometimes through the direct violence of the state but most often through cultural hegemony.”

“Hegemony, in Gramsci’s sense, is mostly developed and reinforced in the cultural realm, in ways that are largely invisible but carry great power and influence. For example, the notion that pink is for girls and blue is for boys is a pervasive idea reinforced throughout society. If you ever look for a toy or clothing for a newborn assigned either a male sex or male gender, you find a preponderance of blue items. If boys wear pink, they are sometimes ostracized. This binary of pink for girls and blue for boys helps maintain rigid gender roles, which in turn reinforce the power relationships between the sexes. Transgressions are not looked upon favorably, because to disrupt these rules would be to disrupt the distribution of power between the sexes. To dress a girl-identified child in blue or to dress a boy in pink causes consternation or even violence. These are powerful examples of hegemony at work—implicit rules that individuals in a society follow because they become common sense, “just the way things are” or “the way they’re supposed to be.”

Hegemony is important to understand because it informs how ideas are adopted, carried, and maintained. We can apply an understanding of hegemony to almost any social dynamic—racism, homophobia, heterosexism, sexism, ableism. We have to interrupt these toxic dynamics or they will eat away at our ability to build the kinds of movements that we need. But to interrupt these toxic dynamics requires that we figure out where the ideas come from in the first place.”

“We have to dig into the underlying ideas and make the hegemonic common sense visible to understand how we can create real unity and allyship in the women’s movement.”

“There are examples unique to this political moment. Since the rise of the Black Lives Matter movement, hegemonic ideas have slowed our progress. One piece of hegemonic common sense is the idea that Black men are the central focus of Black Lives Matter and should be elevated at all times. The media rushed to anoint a young gay Black man as the founder of the movement, even though that was not the case. This same sort of prioritizing of Black men happened all over the country: young Black men elevated to the role of Black Lives Matter leaders, regardless of the work they’d actually put in. Why were they assigned these roles without justification? I believe it’s because hegemony in the United States assigns leadership roles to men. In Black communities in particular, leadership is assigned to Black men even when Black women are carrying the work, designing the work, developing the strategy, and executing the strategy. Symbolism can often present as substance, yet they are not the same. This is a case where an unexamined hegemonic idea caused damage and distortion.”

“They felt left out not just because of the undue influence of the corporate class and the elite but also because they perceived that the wealth, access, and power promised to them were being distributed to women, people of color, and queer people. Trump’s campaign relied on the hegemonic idea of who constituted the “real” America, who were the protagonists of this country’s story and who were the protagonists of this country’s story and who were the villains. The protagonists were disaffected white people, both men and women, and the villains were people of color, with certain communities afforded their own unique piece of the story.”

“Stripping away political correctness can also be seen in the campaign’s promised return to the way things were—a time when things were more simple and certain groups of people knew their place. These ideas are called hegemonic because they are embedded and reproduced in our culture. ”

“Culture and policy affect and influence each other, so successful social movements must engage with both. This isn’t a new idea—the right has been clear about the relationship between culture and policy for a very long time. It is one of the reasons they have invested so heavily in the realm of ideas and behavior. Right-wing campaigns have studied how to culturally frame their ideas and values as common sense.

Culture has long been lauded as an arena for social change—and yet organizers often dismiss culture as the soft work, while policy is the real work. But policy change can’t happen without changing the complex web of ideas, values, and beliefs that undergird the status quo. When I was being trained as an organizer, culture work was believed to be for people who could not handle real organizing. Nobody would say it out loud, but there was a hierarchy—with community organizing on top and cultural organizing an afterthought.”

“To be fair, some cultural work did fall into this category. After all, posters and propaganda distributed among the coalition of the already willing weren’t going to produce change as much as reinforce true believers.

When culture change happens, it is because movements have infiltrated the cultural arena and penetrated the veil beyond which every person encounters explicit and implicit messages about what is right and what is wrong, what is normal and what is abnormal, who belongs and who does not. When social movements engage in this arena, they subvert common ideas and compete with or replace them with new ideas that challenge so-called common sense.

Culture also offers an opportunity for the values and hegemony of the opposition to be exposed and interrogated. The veteran organizer and communications strategist Karlos Gauna Schmieder wrote that “we must lay claim to civil society, and fight for space in all the places where knowledge is produced and cultured.” By laying claim to civil society, we assert that there is an alternative to the white, male, Christian, heterosexual “common sense” that is the status quo—and we work to produce new knowledge that not only reflects our vision for a new society but also includes a new vision for our relationships to one another and to the planet.

It is this challenge, to lay claim to civil society and to fight for space in all of the places where knowledge is produced and cultured, that movements must take on with vigor, just as right-wing movements have tried to lay claim to those places to build their movement. Culture, in this sense, is what makes right-wing movements strong and compelling. It is what lays the groundwork for effective, sustained policy change.”

On Political Education

“Political education helps us make visible that which had been made invisible. We cannot expect to unravel common sense about how the world functions if we don’t do that work. Political education helps us unearth our commonly held assumptions about the world that keep the same power dynamics functioning the way they always have. It supports our ability to dream of other worlds and to build them. And it gives us a clearer picture of all that we are up against.”

On Political Strategy

“Building a movement means building alliances. Who we align with at any given time says a lot about what we are trying to build together and who we think is necessary to build it.

The question of alliances can be confusing. We might confuse short-term alliances with long-term ones. Or confuse whether the people we ally with on a single campaign need to be aligned with us on everything. But here’s the truth of the matter: The people we need to build alliances with are not necessarily people we will agree with on everything or even most things. And yet having a strategy, a plan to win, asks us to do things differently than we’ve done them before.”

[…]

“Popular fronts are alliances that come together across a range of political beliefs for the purpose of achieving a short-to-intermediate-term goal, while united fronts are long-term alliances based on the highest level of political alignment. The phrases are often used interchangeably but shouldn’t be.”

“A lot of activist coalitions these days take the form of popular fronts and come together around achieving a short-to-intermediate-term objective. ”

San Francisco Rising Alliance 

“We spent time together doing organizing exchanges, studying political theory and social movements, learning from one another’s organizing models, and taking action together. After about five years, this alliance grew into an even stronger one, known as San Francisco Rising—an electoral organizing vehicle designed to build and win real power for working-class San Francisco.”

On Political Strategy

“United fronts are helpful in a lot of ways, including being really clear about who is on the team. In some ways, united fronts are what we are working toward, why we organize: to build bigger and bigger teams of people aligned in strategy, vision, and values. But if I had to guess, I’d say that the next period will be characterized by a greater number of popular fronts, and I think this is a good thing.

Popular fronts help you engage with the world as it is, while united fronts offer the possibility of what could be. United fronts allow us to build new alternatives, to test new ideas together, because there is already a high level of trust, political clarity, and political unity. Popular fronts, however, teach us to be nimble, to build relationships across difference for the sake of our survival.

Popular fronts are important tools for organizers today. They match today’s reality: that those of us who want to see a country and a world predicated on justice and equality and the ability to live well and with dignity are not well represented ”

“among those who are making decisions over our lives. We are a small proportion of people who currently serve in the U.S. Congress, a small percentage of people who are mayors and governors, and a small percentage of people moving resources on your city council or board of education.

We are not the majority of the decision makers, even though we likely represent the majority in terms of what we all want for our futures. It is tempting in these times to double down on those closest to you, who already share your vision, share your values, share your politics. But to get things done, we are tasked to find places of common ground, because that is how we can attain the political power we lack.

Many people are uncomfortable with popular fronts because they are afraid that working with their opponents will dilute their own politics. I agree that popular fronts without united fronts are dangerous for this exact reason—without an anchor, without clarity about what you stand for and who you are accountable to, it can be difficult to maintain integrity and clarity when working with people who do not share your values and vision.”

On Creating Black Lives Matter 

“When Patrisse, Opal, and I created Black Lives Matter, which would later become the Black Lives Matter Global Network, each of us also brought our own understanding of platforms, pedestals, and profiles. At that point, we’d all spent ten years as organizers and advocates for social justice. Our platforms and profiles, and perhaps even pedestals, come from the relationships we have in our communities, the networks we are a part of, and the work we’ve done for migrant rights, transit justice, racial justice, economic justice, and gender justice. For nearly a year, we operated silently, using our networks and our experiences as organizers to move people to action, to connect them to resources and analysis, and to engage those who were looking for a political home. Our work was to tell a new story of who Black people are and what we care about, in order to encourage and empower our communities to fight back against state-sanctioned violence—and that meant our primary role, initially, was to create the right spaces for that work and connect people who wanted to do the work of organizing for change.

But when a well-known mainstream civil rights organization began to claim our work as their own, while distorting the politics and the values behind it, we decided to take control of our own narrative and place ourselves more prominently in our own story.”

On Political Strategy

“When I was being trained as an organizer, social media forums were not yet as popular and as widely used as they are today. Debates over strategy, outcomes, or even grievances took place in the form of “open letters,” often circulated through email. At the time, that world seemed vast and important, but in retrospect—compared to the global reach of social media—it was very, very small.

Yet even in my small corner of the world, there were those who went from being relatively unknown grassroots organizers to people with more power and influence. And I saw how the movement could be ambivalent toward its most visible members when those individuals were seen as having gone too far beyond the movement’s own small imprint.”

About the National Domestic Workers Alliance

“When Ai-jen Poo, currently the director of the National Domestic Workers Alliance and co-director of Caring Across Generations, built a profile and a platform based on her success leading domestic workers to win the first ever Domestic Workers Bill of Rights in New York State, it caused quiet rumblings within the movement that grew her. People were unsure if it was a good thing that her fame had outgrown our small corner of the world. When Van Jones remade himself from an ultra-left revolutionary into a bipartisan reformer who landed in the Obama administration as the “green jobs czar,” the movement that grew him quickly disavowed him. Even when Patrisse Cullors began to grow a platform and a profile beyond the work I’d known her for at the Bus Riders Union, a project of the Labor/Community Strategy Center in Los Angeles, I received a call from one of her mentors questioning her ability to “lead the Black liberation movement.” In one breath, movements in development and movements in full swing can become antagonistic to those who break through barriers to enter the mainstream, where they can expose the movement’s ideas to new audiences.

Throwing Shade at DeRay Mckesson

“DeRay Mckesson is often credited with launching the Black Lives Matter movement along with the work that Patrisse, Opal, and I initiated. However, Mckesson offers a sharp lesson on pedestals, platforms, and profiles—and why we need to be careful about assigning roles that are inaccurate and untrue.

Mckesson is someone I first met in Ferguson, Missouri, a full year after Patrisse, Opal, and I launched Black Lives Matter. How we met matters. Patrisse and Darnell Moore had organized a freedom ride whereby Black organizers, healers, lawyers, teachers, “and journalists gathered from all over the country to make their way to Ferguson. I flew to St. Louis to help support another organization on the ground there. The freedom ride coincided with the time I spent in St. Louis, and as I was being given the rundown on the landscape during my first few days there, I was told about a young man named DeRay Mckesson.

Mckesson played the role of a community journalist on the ground in Ferguson. He and Johnetta Elzie had started a newsletter called This Is the Movement, and I remember Mckesson approaching me at a meeting convened by what has since become the Movement for Black Lives and asking if they could interview the three of us about Black Lives Matter. ”

“He was criticizing Black Lives Matter, which was, at that time, fending off attacks from right-wing operatives who were trying to pin on us the actions of activists who had begun to call themselves Black Lives Matter but had not been a part of the organizing efforts we were building through a network structure that had chapters. These activists had led a march where people in the crowd were chanting “Pigs in a blanket, fry ’em like bacon.” The news media had been stirred up like a beehive over the comments, and our team was working furiously to clarify that not everyone who identifies as Black Lives Matter is a part of the formal organization. ”

“I cannot tell you how many times I have been at events where someone will approach me to say that they know the other co-founder of Black Lives Matter, DeRay Mckesson. ”

“One could argue that it’s difficult to distinguish, particularly when there are so many people who identify with the principles and values of Black Lives Matter. But those of us who are involved in the movement know the difference—we know the difference because we work with one another. We share the same ecosystem. We know the difference between the Movement for Black Lives, and the wide range of organizations that comprise that alliance, and the larger movement for Black liberation.”

“I explained to her that while Mckesson was an activist, he was not a co-founder of Black Lives Matter.

I wish that these were innocent mistakes, but they’re not. Characterizing these misstatements as misunderstandings is gaslighting of the highest degree. Mckesson was a speaker at a Forbes magazine event, “Forbes 30 under 30,” and was listed in the program as the co-founder of Black Lives Matter, yet he wasn’t in a rush to correct the mistake—and certainly didn’t address the mistake in any comments he made that day. There was an outcry on social media, which forced Mckesson to contact the planners and have them change the description. But had there not been an outcry by people sick of watching the misleading dynamic, there wouldn’t have been any change.”

“Tarana Burke wrote an article about this misrepresentation in 2016 in The Root, a year before the #MeToo movement swept the country, criticizing Mckesson for allowing his role to be overstated. She cites a Vanity Fair “new establishment” leaders list on which Mckesson is No. 86 and accompanied by the following text:

Crowning achievement: Transforming a Twitter hashtag, #BlackLivesMatter, into a sustained, multi-year, national movement calling for the end of police killings of African-Americans. He may have lost a bid to become Baltimore’s next mayor, but he is the leader of a movement.”

“Some will be tempted to dismiss this recounting as petty, or selfish, or perhaps more a function of ego than the unity that is needed to accomplish the goals of a movement. The problem with that view is that conflicts and contradictions are also a part of movements, and ignoring them or just pleading for everyone to get along doesn’t deal with the issues—it buries them for the sake of comfort, at the expense of the clarity that is needed to really understand our ecosystem and the wide range of practices, politics, values, and degrees of accountability inside it.

Movements must grapple with the narration of our stories—particularly when we are not the ones telling them. Movements must grapple with their own boundaries, clarifying who falls within them and who falls outside them. Movements must be able to hold conflict with clarity. 

“When in his book Mckesson credits a relatively unknown UCLA professor with the creation of the #BlackLivesMatter hashtag, he doesn’t do so for the purpose of clarity—he does it to unseat and deliberately discredit the roles that Patrisse, Opal, and I, along with many, many others, have played in bringing people together to take action and engaging our communities around a new theory of who Black life encompasses and why that matters for our liberation. And in many ways he does it for the purpose of attempting to justify the ways in which he inflates his own role in Black Lives Matter.”

On the Movement for Black Lives

“I met Charlene Carruthers, the first national director of the Black Youth Project 100, when I was still the executive director at POWER in San Francisco. I had no idea that the Black Youth Project would establish itself as a leading organization in the Movement for Black Lives until nearly two years after they were founded. As we were launching Black Lives Matter as a series of online platforms, the Dream Defenders, with which I was unfamiliar, and Power U, with which I was very familiar, were taking over the Florida State Capitol, demanding an end to the Stand Your Ground law. I met the director of the Dream Defenders, at that time Phillip Agnew, at a Black Alliance for Just Immigration gathering in Miami in 2014, just a few months before Ferguson erupted. I remember being in Ferguson when a young activist asked me with distrust if I’d ever heard of the Organization for Black Struggle. I had, of course, not only heard of them but sat at the feet of a well-known leader of that organization, “Mama” Jamala Rogers. Our reality is shaped by where and when we enter at any given moment.

“We have allowed Mckesson to overstate his role, influence, and impact on the Black Lives Matter movement because he is, in many ways, more palatable than the many people who helped to kick-start this iteration of the movement. He is well branded, with his trademark blue Patagonia vest that helps you identify him in a sea of people all claiming to represent Black Lives Matter. He is not controversial in the least, rarely pushing the public to move beyond deeply and widely held beliefs about power, leadership, and impact. He is edgy enough in his willingness to document protests and through that documentation claim that he played a larger role in them than he did, and yet complaisant enough to go along to get along. He does not make power uncomfortable.”

“We have to start crediting the work of Black women and stop handing that credit to Black men. We can wax poetic about how the movement belongs to no one and still interrogate why we credit Black men like DeRay Mckesson as its founder, or the founder of the organization that Patrisse, Opal, and I created.”

“It’s ahistorical and it serves to only perpetuate the erasure of Black women’s labor, strategy, and existence.”

“I used to be a cynic. As I was developing my worldview, developing my ideas, working in communities, I used to believe that there was no saving America, and I had no desire to lead America.

Over the last decade, that cynicism has transformed into a profound hope. It’s not the kind of hope that merely believes that there is something better out there somewhere, like the great land of Oz. It is a hope that is clear-eyed, a hope that propels me. It is the hope that organizers carry, a hope that understands that what we are up against is mighty and what we are up against will not go away quietly into the night just because we will it so.

No, it is a hope that knows that we have no other choice but to fight, to try to unlock the potential of real change.”

Black Futures Lab

“These days, I spend my time building new political projects, like the Black Futures Lab, an innovation and experimentation lab that tests new ways to build, drive, and transform Black power in the United States. At the BFL, we believe that Black people can be powerful in every aspect of our lives, and politics is no exception.

I was called to launch this organization after the 2016 presidential election. After three years of building the Black Lives Matter Global Network and fifteen years of grassroots organizing in Black communities, I felt strongly that our movement to ensure popular participation, justice, and equity needed relevant institutions that could respond to a legacy of racism and disenfranchisement while also proactively engaging politics as it is in order to create the conditions to win politics as we want it to be. ”

“For the majority of 2018, the Black Futures Lab worked to mobilize the largest data project to date focused on the lives of Black people. We called it the Black Census Project and set out to talk to as many Black people as possible about what we experience in the economy, in society, and in democracy. We also asked a fundamental question that is rarely asked of Black communities: What do you want in your future?

We talked to more than 30,000 Black people across the United States: Black people from different geographies, political ideologies, sexualities, and countries of origin, and Black people who were currently incarcerated and who were once incarcerated. A comprehensive survey such as this had not been conducted in more than 154 years. We partnered with more than forty Black-led organizations across the nation and trained more than one hundred Black organizers in the art and science of community organizing. We collected responses online and offline.”

On Morning Rituals

“Every morning when I wake up, I pray. I place my head against the floor and I thank my God for allowing me to see another day. I give thanks for the blessings that I have received in life, I ask for forgiveness for all of the ways in which I am not yet the person I want to be, and I ask for the continued blessings of life so that I can work to get closer to where I want to be. And in my prayers, I ask my God to remind me that the goal is not to get ahead of anyone else but instead to live my life in such a way that I remember we must make it to the other side together.”