Notes on Fourth Edition of the Commander’s Critical Information Requirements

Fourth Edition of the Commander’s Critical Information Requirements (CCIRs) Insights and Best Practices Focus Paper, written by the Deployable Training Division (DTD) of the Joint Staff J7 and published by the Joint Staff J7.

http://www.jcs.mil/Doctrine/focus_papers.aspx.

Four overarching considerations:

  • CCIRs directly support mission command and commander-centric operations. Incorporate a philosophy of command and feedback in which CCIR reporting generate opportunities and decision space rather than simply answers to discrete questions.
  • CCIRs provide the necessary focus for a broad range of collection, analysis, and information flow management to better support decision making.
  • CCIR answers provide understanding and knowledge, not simply data or isolated bits of information. Providing context is important.
  • CCIRs change as the mission, priorities, and operating environment change. Have a process to periodically review and update CCIRs.

1.0 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY. CCIRs directly support mission command and commander-centric operations (see quote at right). CCIRs, as a related derivative of guidance and intent, assist joint commanders in focusing support on their decision making requirements. CCIRs support two activities:

  • Understanding the increasingly complex environment (e.g., supporting assessments that increase this understanding of the environment, defining and redefining of the problem, and informing planning guidance).
  • Commander decision making, by linking CCIRs to the execution of branch and sequel plans.

This is a necessary and broader view than the legacy role of CCIRs only supporting well-defined decision points. Commander use of CCIR provides the necessary focus for a broad range of collection, analysis, and information flow management to better support decision making.

Insights:

  • CCIRs support commanders’ situational understanding and decision making at every echelon of command (tactical, operational, and theater-strategic). They support different decision sets, focus, and event horizons at each echelon.
  • Commanders at higher echelons have found that a traditional, tactical view of CCIRs supporting time sensitive, prearranged decision requirements is often too narrow to be effective. This tactical view does not capture the necessity for better understanding the environment nor the key role of assessment at the operational level. Further, operational CCIRs, if focused at specific “tactical-level” events, have the potential to impede subordinate’s decision making and agility.
  • Develop CCIRs during design and planning, not “on the Joint Operations Center (JOC) floor” during execution.
  • Consider the role of CCIRs on directing collection, analysis, and dissemination of information supporting assessment activities – a key role of operational headquarters in setting conditions.
  • CCIRs help prioritize allocation of limited resources. CCIRs, coupled with operational priorities, guide and prioritize employment of collection assets and analysis resources, and assist in channeling the flow of information within, to, and from the headquarters.
  • Information flow is essential to the success of the decision making process. Clear reporting procedures assist in timely answering of CCIRs.
  • CCIR answers should provide understanding and knowledge, not simply data or isolated bits of information. Providing context is important.
  • Differentiate between CCIRs and other important information requirements like “wake-up criteria.” Much of this other type of information is often of a tactical nature, not essential for key operational-level decisions, and can pull the commander’s focus away from an operational role and associated decisions down to tactical issues.
  • CCIRs change as the mission, priorities, and operating environment change. Have a process to periodically review and update CCIRs.

“CCIR are not a hard set of reporting requirements limited to specific actions or events, but more a philosophy of command and feedback that can generate opportunities and decision space.” – Former CCDR

 

2.0 UNDERSTANDING TODAY’S COMPLEX ENVIRONMENT. Today’s complex operational environment has changed how we view CCIRs. Operational commanders spend much of their time working to better understand the environment, the decision calculus of potential adversaries, and progress in achieving campaign objectives. We find that this understanding, deepened by assessment, informs design, planning, and decisions.

The strategic landscape directly affects the type and scope of our decisions and also dictates what
kind of information is required to make those decisions. Today’s great power competition, interdependent global markets, readily-accessible communications, and increased use of the cyber and space domain has broadened security responsibilities beyond a solely military concern. The environment is more than a military battlefield; it’s a network of interrelated political, military, economic, social, informational, and infrastructure systems that impact on our decisions and are impacted by them. We regularly hear from the warfighters about the requirement to maintain a broader perspective of this environment.

The information revolution has clearly changed the way we operate and make decisions. We and our adversaries have unprecedented ability to transmit, receive, and disrupt data and it is growing exponentially, both in speed and volume. This has affected our information requirements in many ways. The sheer volume of information can camouflage the critical information we need. We are still working on our ability to sift through this information and find the relevant nuggets that will inform decision making. At the same time, we are recognizing the need for higher level headquarters to assist in answering subordinates’ CCIRs, either directly or through tailored decentralization, federation and common database design of our collection and analysis assets.

The lack of predictability of our potential adversaries complicates our decision requirements and supporting information requirements. Our adversaries are both nation states and non-state entities consisting of loosely organized networks with no discernible hierarchical structure. The Joint Force and our Intelligence Community is focused on better understanding the decision calculus of our adversaries, and what influences their decisions. Lastly, our adversaries no longer can be defined solely in terms of their military capabilities; likewise, neither can our CCIRs be simply focused on the military aspects of the mission and environment.

Many of our decisions and information requirements are tied to our partners. We fight as one interdependent team with our joint, interagency, and multinational partners. We depend on each other to succeed in today’s complex security environment. Likewise our decisions and information requirements are interdependent. We have seen the need for an inclusive versus exclusive mindset with our joint, interagency, and multinational partners in how we assess, plan, and make decisions.

3.0 ROLE OF COMMANDER’S CRITICAL INFORMATION REQUIREMENTS (CCIRs). Many joint commanders are fully immersed in the unified action, whole-of-government(s) approach and have broadened their CCIRs to support the decision requirements of their operational level HQ role. These decision requirements include both traditional, time-sensitive execution requirements as well as the longer term assessment, situational understanding, and design and planning requirements. This broadening of their CCIRs has provided a deeper focus for the collection and analysis efforts supporting all three event horizons.

CCIRs doctrinally contain two components: priority intelligence requirements (PIR), which are focused on the adversary and environment; and friendly force information requirements (FFIR) which are focused on friendly forces and supporting capabilities. We observed ISAF Joint Command (2010) add a third component, Host Nation Information Requirements (HNIR) to better focus on information about the host nation to effectively partner, develop plans, make decisions, and integrate with the host nation and civilian activities.

Operational-level commanders focus on attempting to understand the broader environment and how to develop and implement, in conjunction with their partners, the full complement of military and non-military actions to achieve operational and strategic objectives. They recognize that their decisions within this environment are interdependent with the decisions of other mission partners. These commanders have found it necessary to account for the many potential kinetic, nonkinetic, and informational activities of all the stakeholders as they pursue mission accomplishment and influence behavior.

The CCIRs associated with this broader comprehensive approach are different than those that support only traditional time sensitive, current operations-focused decisions. Commanders include information required for assessments in CCIR to better inform the far reaching planning decisions at the operational level.

Prioritization. We also see the important role of CCIRs in prioritizing resources. This prioritization of both collection and analysis resources enhances the quality of understanding and assessments, and ultimately results in the commander gaining better situational understanding, leading to better guidance and intent, and resulting in a greater likelihood of mission success.

We have seen challenges faced by operational-level commanders and staff that have singularly followed a more traditional “decision point-centric” approach in the use of CCIRs. Their CCIRs are focused on supporting decisions for predictable events or activities, and may often be time-sensitive. This current operations focus of their CCIRs may not correctly inform prioritization of collection and analysis efforts supporting assessment and planning in the future operations and future plans event horizon. Absent focus, these collection and analysis efforts supporting assessment and planning may be ad hoc and under-resourced.

Assessment is central to deepen understanding of the environment. We are finding that many commanders identify their critical measures of effectiveness as CCIRs to ensure appropriate prioritization of resources. This prioritization of both collection and analysis resources enhances the quality of assessments, better situational understanding, and better guidance and intent.

Supporting Subordinates’ Agility. CCIRs can support (or hinder) agility of action. CCIRs should address the appropriate commander-level information requirements given the associated decentralized/delegated authorities and approvals. Alignment of CCIRs supporting decentralized execution and authorities directly support empowerment of subordinates, while retention of CCIRs at the operational level for information supporting decentralized activities slow subordinates’ agility, add unnecessary reporting requirements, and shift the operational level HQ’s focus away from its roles and responsibilities in setting conditions.

The decentralization of both the decisions and alignment of associated CCIRs is key to agility and flexibility. Operational-level commanders help set conditions for subordinates’ success through mission-type orders, guidance and intent, and thought-out decentralization of decision/mission approval levels together with the appropriate decentralization of supporting assets. They recognize the value of decentralizing to the lowest level capable of integrating these assets. Operational commanders enable increased agility and flexibility by delegating the requisite tactical-level decision authorities to their subordinates commensurate with their responsibilities. Decentralizing approval levels (and associated CCIRs) allows us to more rapidly take advantage of opportunities in today’s operational environment as noted in the above figure. We see this as a best practice. It allows for more agility of the force while freeing the operational commander to focus on planning and decisions at the operational level.

Together with decentralization of authorities, operational commanders also assist their subordinates by helping answer the subordinates’ CCIRs either directly or through tailored decentralization, federation, and common database design of collection and analysis assets.

Insights:

  • Broaden CCIRs at the operational level to support traditional, time-sensitive execution requirements and longer term assessment, situational understanding, and design and planning requirements. Seek knowledge and understanding, versus a sole focus on data or information.
  • Use CCIRs in conjunction with operational priorities to focus and prioritize collection and analysis efforts supporting all three event horizons.
  • Many of the operational level decisions are not ‘snap’ decisions made in the JOC and focused at the tactical level, but rather require detailed analysis and assessment of the broader environment tied to desired effects and stated objectives.
  • Delegate tactical level decisions to their subordinates has allowed them to focus their efforts on the higher level, broader operational decisions.
  • Support decentralized decision authorities by helping to answer their related CCIRs. Retaining CCIR at higher level for decisions that have already been delegated to a subordinate adds unnecessary reporting requirements on those subordinates, slows their agility, and shifts higher HQ focus away from its more appropriate role of setting conditions.

4.0 CCIR DEVELOPMENT, APPROVAL, AND DISSEMINATION. Commanders drive development of CCIRs. We have seen successful use of the CCIRs process (see figure). This process lays out specific responsibilities for development, validation, dissemination, monitoring, reporting, and maintenance (i.e., modifying CCIRs). While not in current doctrine, it still effectively captures an effective process…

Operational-level commands develop many of their CCIRs during design and the planning process. We normally see decision requirements transcending all three event horizons. Some decisions in the current operations event horizon may have very specific and time sensitive information requirements, while others are broader, assessment focused, and may be much more subjective. They may also include information requirements on DIME (Diplomatic, Informational, Military, Economic) partner actions and capabilities and environmental conditions.

Branch and Sequel Execution: While many CCIRs support branch and sequel plan decision requirements at all levels, the complexity of today’s environment makes the predictive development of all the potential specific decisions (and supporting CCIRs) that an operational commander may face difficult. However, this difficulty doesn’t mean that we should stop conducting branch and sequel planning at the operational level – just the opposite. We must continue to focus on both the “why,” “so what,” “what if,” and “what’s next” at the operational level to drive collection and analysis and set conditions for the success of our subordinates. The complexity does suggest, though, that some of our branch and sequel planning at the operational level may not result in precise, predictive decision points with associated CCIRs that we may be accustomed to at the tactical level. Additionally, unlike the tactical level, much of the information precipitating operational commanders’ major decisions will likely not come off the JOC floor, but rather through interaction with others and from the results of “thought-out” operational-level assessments. Much of this information may not be in the precise form of answering a specifically worded and time-sensitive PIR or FFIR, but rather as the result of a broader assessment answering whether we are accomplishing the campaign or operational objectives or attaining desired conditions for continued actions together with recommendations on the “so what.”

Most CCIRs are developed during course of action (COA) development and analysis together with branch and sequel planning. We normally see decision points transcending all three event horizons with associated PIRs and FFIRs (and in some cases, unique IRs such as HNIRs) as depicted on the above figure. These PIRs and FFIRs may be directly associated with developed measures of effectiveness (MOE). Analysis of these MOEs helps depict how well friendly operations are achieving objectives, and may result in the decision to execute a branch or sequel plan.

Some decision points in the current operations event horizon may have very specific and time sensitive information requirements, while those supporting branch and sequel execution are normally broader and may be much more subjective. They will also probably include information requirements on “DIME” partner actions/capabilities and adversary “PMESII” conditions. Some examples:

  • Current operations decisions: These decisions will likely require time sensitive information on friendly, neutral, and adversary’s actions and disposition. Examples of decisions include: personnel recovery actions; shifting of ISR assets; targeting of high value targets; and employment of the reserve.
  • Branch plan decisions: These decisions will likely require information from assessment on areas like: the adversary’s intent and changing ‘PMESII’ conditions, DIME partner, coalition, and host nation capabilities and requests, and target audience perceptions (using non- traditional collection means such as polls). Examples of decisions include: shift of main effort; change in priority; refocusing information operations and public affairs messages; redistribution of forces; command relationship and task organization changes.
  • Sequel plan decisions: These types of decisions will be based on broader campaign assessments providing geopolitical, social, and informational analysis and capabilities of partner stakeholders. Examples of decisions include: transitions in overall phasing such as moving to a support to civil authority phase; force rotations; or withdrawal.

Planners normally develop decision support templates (DST) to lay out these kinds of decisions and the associated CCIRs in more detail (see figure). They help link CCIRs to the decisions they support. The adjacent figure depicts some of the information provided to the commander to gain his guidance and approval. These DSTs also help provide the clarity to collection and analysis resources to focus effort and information flow.

Insights:

  • Commanders drive development of CCIRs.
  • Planners help develop CCIR during the design and planning process across all three event horizons.
  • CCIRs at the operational level will likely include information requirements on “DIME” partner actions and capabilities and environmental conditions.
  • CCIRs change as the mission, priorities, and operating environment changes. Have a process to periodically review and update CCIRs to ensure relevance.

 

5.0 CCIR MONITORING AND REPORTING. Proactive attention to CCIRs is essential for JOC (and other staff) personnel to focus limited resources in support of commander’s decision making. To promote awareness and attention to the commander’s information requirements, we recommend prominent display of CCIRs within the JOC and other assessment areas.

Many of the CCIRs precipitating operational commanders’ major decisions will likely not
come off the JOC floor but rather through interaction with others and from the results of operational-level assessment. Much of this information may not be in the precise form of answering a specifically worded branch or sequel oriented CCIR, but rather as the result of a broader assessment answering whether we are accomplishing the campaign objectives together with recommendations on the “so what.”

The senior leadership is provided answers to CCIRs in many venues to include operational update assessments, battlefield circulation, and interaction with stakeholders. This information may be provided in some form of presentation media that addresses the decision requirement, associated CCIRs, and status of those CCIRs as depicted in the figure above. We often see a
JOC chart such as that portrayed in the adjacent figure for selected decision requirements. This “status” of CCIRs enables the commander to maintain situational awareness of the various criteria that the staff and stakeholders are monitoring and get a feel for the proximity and likelihood of the potential decision.

Many of the CCIRs precipitating operational commanders’ major decisions will likely not
come off the JOC floor but rather through interaction with others and from the results of operational-level assessment. Much of this information may not be in the precise form of answering a specifically worded branch or sequel oriented CCIR, but rather as the result of a broader assessment answering whether we are accomplishing the campaign objectives together with recommendations on the “so what.”

 

Insights:
· Prominently display CCIRs within the JOC, other assessment areas, and on the HQ portal to facilitate component and stakeholder awareness of CCIRs.
· Clearly specify what constitutes notification, to whom, how soon it has to be done, and how to provide status of notification efforts and results.

6.0 RELATED INFORMATION REQUIREMENTS. We see JOCs struggle to determine what constitutes a reportable event other than CCIR triggers. Many commands use “notification criteria” matrices (see figure) to clearly depict notification criteria for both CCIR and other events that spells out who needs to be notified of various events outside the rhythm of a scheduled update brief. Notification criteria and the reporting chain should be clearly understood to prevent stovepiping information or inadvertent failures in notification.

Significant events (SIGEVENTs) should be defined, tracked, reported, and monitored until all required staff action has been completed. We have seen some JOCs preemptively remove some SIGEVENTs from their “radar” before required follow- on actions have been accomplished. Once a SIGEVENT has been closed, it should be archived for record purposes and to assist the intelligence and assessment functions.

Review of Occupying Wall Street: The Inside Story of an Action that Changed America

According to the book blurb “Occupying Wall Street draws on extensive interviews with those who took part in the action to bring an authentic, inside-the-square history to life. In these pages you will discover in rich detail how the protest was devised and planned, how its daily needs were met, and how it won overwhelming support across the nation.” – which I think is funny as OWS certainly did not win overwhelming support across the nation. Did it eventually attract media interest after a number of events designed to get attention – like the fake news about Radiohead performing? Yes certainly, but there was never any great support for a new revolutionary lead by communists, anarcho-crust-punks, disaffected professors who felt the world ought to listen to their unique contributions to understanding the world and narcissistic artists and poets.

The book isn’t terribly written, though the Biblical saying here about the need to remove the beam in one’s eye before casting out the splinter in one’s brother is appropriate.

The absurdity of the premise – a call for a leaderless politics of revolution without demands, which is an open invitation for subverstion – is never questioned in opposition to simply becoming more active in the existent political project. That was my response when I was first approached by a New School student several months before the Occupation of Zuccotti Park.  I’m pretty sure my response was, “If I wanted to go camping, it’d be in the woods and if I wanted to change politics, I’d get involved in elections and policy-making.”

There are multiple admissions that the anti-capitalist seed society that the occupation camps was meant to be were riddled with problems such as theft, assault, inability to organize hygene and food and the organization being completely dependent on donations and grants to function as no one there was employed in any sort of productive activity. The encampment attracted people with mental disorders that non-professional volunteers tried to assist, but couldn’t, etc..

I’ll not keep heaping contempt on these people so deserving of it but instead share the names I’ve been collecting from OWS literature to determine if they were involved with the World Social Forum or it’s offshoots.

Occupiers 

Amy Roberts
Marina Sitrin – Professor at City University of New York
Matt Presto
Justin Wedes
Brennan Cavanaugh
Mandy
Imani J Brown – Open Society Foundation
Christy Thorton – NYU graduate student
Anthony Whitehurst – Med Mob
Charlie Gonzalez – Consciousness Group
Michael Rodriguez
Brendan Butler
Fateh Singh
Lisa Montanarelli
Adreanna Limbach
John Paul Learn
Rebeka Beiber
Pauly Kostora
Breanna Lembitz
Ed Mortimer
Frank White
Lily Johnson
Miriam Rocek
Jesse Jackson
Maria Fehling
Mesiah Bruciaga-Hameed
Betsy Fagin
Maida Rosenstein
Benjamin Shepard
Amina Malika
Kat Mahaney
Alex Gomez-del-Moral
Daniel Levine
William Scott – Professor of English at the University of Pittsburg
Jason Ide
Ilektra Mandragou
Rivka Little
Jez
Reg Flowers – theatre artist
Imani
Boris Nemch
Alessandra De Meo
Nani Mathews
Leo Goldberg
Kara Segal
Dan La Botz
Tara Hart
Jesse LaGreca
Natasha Lennard
Caitlin Curran
Kirby Desmarais
Hermes – from Mobile, Alabama
Bill Scott
Josh Frens-String – NYU Historian
Julian Tysh
Betsy Fagin
Mandy Henk
Zachary Loeb
Daniel Levine
Heather Squire
Emily Curtis-Murphy
Erin Littlestar
Many Henk – from Greencastle, Indiana
William Scott
Angela Davis
Janos Marton
Mark Bray
Jason Ahmadi
DiceyTroop – from Foxboro, Massachusetts

Foreigners
Senia Barragan – Colombian
Patricia – A Chilean woman
Alexandre de Carbalho – A Brazilian from Rio de Janiero
Jaco – from Toronto

Groups
National Lawyers Guild
Occupy the Hood
Occupy 477
Movement for Justice in El Barrio
Audre Lorde Project
Poetry Guild

181st St Community Garden
beautificationproject.blogspot.com
212-543-9017
880 West 181st Street, #4B
New York, NY 10033

Ali Forney Center
www.aliforneycenter.org
212-222-3427
224 W. 35th St. Suite 1102
New York, NY 10001

ALIGN – the Alliance for a Greater New York
alignny.org
contact@alignny.org
212-631-0886
50 Broadway, 29th Floor, New York, NY 10004

ANSWER Coalition
answercoalition.org
nyc@internationalanswer.org
212-694-8720
2295 Adam Clayton Powell Jr. Blvd., New York, NY 10030

Asian American Arts Centre
http://www.artspiral.org/

CAAAV
caav.org

Campaign to End the Death Penalty
www.nodeathpenalty.org

Campaign to End the New Jim Crow
endnewjimcrow.com

Center for Immigrant Families
212-531-3011
20 W 104th St
New York, NY 10025

Coalition for the Homeless
coalitionforthehomeless.org
info@cfthomeless.org
212-776-2000
129 Fulton Street, New York, NY 10038

Code Pink
codepinkalert.org
info@codepinkalert.org
310-827-4320

Community Voices Heard
cvhaction.org

Families for Freedom
familiesforfreedom.org
info@familiesforfreedom.org
3 West 29th St, #1030, New York, NY 10001
646 290 5551

FIERCE
www.fiercenyc.org
147 West 24th Street, 6th Floor, New York, NY 10011
646-336-6789

Fort Greene SNAP
fortgreenesnap.org

FUREE
furee.org
718-852-2960
81 Willoughby Street, 701, Brooklyn, NY 11201

Green Chimneys
www.greenchimneys.org
718-732-1501
79 Alexander Ave – 42A, Bronx, NY 10454

GOLES
info@goles.org
169 Avenue B, New York, NY 10009
212-358-1231”

Guide to New York City Women’s and Social Justice Organizations
bcrw.barnard.edu/guide

Immigrant Movement International
immigrant-movement.us
united@immigrant-movement.us
108-59 Roosevelt Avenue, Queens, NY 11368 USA

Industrial Workers of the World
iww.org/en
wobblycity.wordpress.com

International Socialist Organization
internationalsocialist.org
contact@internationalsocialist.org
773-583-5069
ISO National Office P.O. Box 16085 Chicago, IL 60616

Iraq Veterans Against the War
www.ivaw.org/new-york-city
646-723-0989
P.O. Box 3565 New York, NY 10008-3565

La Union
la-union.org
Labor community forum
laborcommunityforum@gmail.com

Make the Road
maketheroadny.org
Bushwick, Brooklyn: 301 Grove Street Brooklyn, New York 11237
718-418-7690
Jackson Heights, Queens: 92-10 Roosevelt Avenue,
Jackson Heights, New York 11372
718-565-8500
Port Richmond, Staten Island:479 Port Richmond Avenue,
Staten Island, New York 10302
718-727-1222

Malcom X Grassroots Movement
mxgm.org
718-254-8800
PO BOX 471711 Brooklyn, NY 11247”

Marriage Equality NY (MENY)
www.meny.us

Mirabal Sisters Community and Cultural Center
Mirabalcenter.org
info@mirabalcenter.org
212-234-3002

National Lawyers Guild
www.nlg.org
nlgnyc.org
212-679-5100
132 Nassau Street, Rm. 922, New York, NY 10038

New York Collective of Radical Educators (NYCORE)
nycore.org

New York Students Rising
nystudentsrising.org

NMASS
nmass.org
nmass@nmass.org

No Gas Pipeline
nogaspipeline.org
nogaspipeline@gmail.com
235 3rd Street, Jersey City, NJ 07302

Northwest Bronx Community and Clergy Coalition
northwestbronx.org
718-584-0515
103 East 196th Street Bronx, NY 10468

NYU4OWS
nyu4ows.tumblr.com

Occupy the DOE
nycore.org/occupy-the-doe/

Occupy Equality NY
www.facebook.com/groups/OccupyEqualityNY/

Occupy Wall Street
www.occupywallst.org/
General Inquiries: general@occupywallst.org
+1 (516) 708-4777

Organizing for Occupation
www.o4onyc.org

Parent Occupy Wall St
parents@everythingindependent.com

Parents for Occupy Wall Street
parentsforoccupywallst.com

Picture the Homeless
picturethehomeless.org
info@picturethehomeless.org

Queer Rising
QueerRising.org
queerrising@gmail.com
917-520-8554

Queerocracy
www.queerocracy.org
contact@queerocracy.org

Shut Down Indian Point Now
shutdownindianpointnow.org

Speak Up HP
speakuphp.org
info@speakuphp.org

Strong Economy for All Coalition
strongforall.org/coalition

Students United for a Free CUNY
studentsunitedforafreecuny.wordpress.com

 

I haven’t yet started cross-referencing all of the people listed above, but as  Imani J. Brown has a uniqiue name I looked her up. There I found that she is not just an Occupier, but also a Open Society Foundations fellow and that the Arts Incubator called Antenna that she is the Director of – which looks super cool and has some interesting community events – also works with other Open Society Fellows, like Dread Scott. Below is a clip from his community-engaged performance art project titled Slave Rebellion Reenactment, reinterpreting Louisiana’s German Coast Uprising of 1811—the largest rebellion of enslaved people in U.S. history.

 

 

Quotes from “Their Morals and Ours” by Leon Trotsky

I first read Their Morals and Ours by Leon Trotsky after buying the Pathfinder Press edition at the Miami chapter of the Socialist Workers Party in 2005. I’d started to gain an interest in Trotskyist politics, and the Communist movement that year as I’d grown disillusioned with what I saw as the lifestylism of the modern anti-globalization movement. At my invitation, Alyson Kennedy, the 2016 Socialist Workers Party Presidential candidate, visited the school that I worked at in 2008, when she was then the Vice-Presidential candidate. After she left the students shared that they thought her calls for class struggle and revolution were weird and they, a group whose family originated in a number of different places in the Caribbean and Latin America, openly questioned her sanity and my judgement for having her come speak to them.

Given that the Socialist Workers Party has recently chosen Manuel Castells to be a functionary in the coalition government, that he’s recently attended Oxford University to give some lectures, and that the Director of the Oxford Internet Institute – Dr. Philip N. Howard – has wrote a book praising Castells I thought it sensible to highlight some quotes of Trotsky’s – who founded the Socialist Workers Party – related to his advocacy of deception and lying in pursuit of revolution.

Notes from Organization Of American States Combined Reports on Communist Subversion

Notes from Organization Of American States Combined Reports on Communist Subversion

 

Link to Original Document: Internet Archive

Key Quotes:

Full Notes

 

Since the great majority of the citizens of the Americas believe in the ideals of national independence and individual liberty, and reject intervention and dictatorship, the Communists can strengthen themselves, and even come into power, only through a program of deceit that assumes many and varied forms. Only thus can Communist subversion triumph.

Only by fraud and deception can the Communists hope to gain even momentary acceptance by the peoples of the Americas.

They camouflage their true objectives by supporting all popular causes and posing as the champions of human freedom and dignity. Their immediate goal is to promote and sustain disorder; to impede progress by frustrating land and social reforms, and by sabotaging programs for economic development like the Alliance for Progress and efforts toward an effective Latin-American “common market.” In short, to discredit and debilitate any scheme that shows promise of
success.

As pointed out by the Consultative Committee, the Communist assault in the Western Hemisphere manifests itself in five major ways: (a) Subversive activities (agitation, strikes, guerrilla warfare, etc.), which in some countries have reached the point of open
insurrection;
(6) Acts of sabotage and sympathetic terrorism, carried out by small, but perfectly trained and equipped groups, following pre-established plans and intended to create a climate conducive to general insurrection
(c) Infiltration into governmental spheres, including the armed forces, which endangers institutional stability itself;
(d) Penetration into information agencies and media (press, radio, and television) with personnel especially trained in Communist propaganda; and
(e) Growing participation in the educational field, particularly at the university level, seeking, among other things, to rapprochement workers, not for the purposes of trade union improvement but only to develop their own subversive activities.
It bears repeating that the Communists do not necessarily plan to succeed next week, although they would like to, but they are dedicated to constant, sustained subversion over “any” number of years.

The reports which follow, prepared by the Organization of American States, by Latin Americans themselves, expose the international Communist movement for what it really is: a movement based on fraud and deceit, on violence and terror—a movement which, while it claims to be revolutionary and progressive, is the embodiment of .everything reactionary and retrogressive.

the purpose of this offensive is “the destruction of democratic institutions and the establishment of totalitarian dictatorships at the service of extracontinental powers.” Here the incongruity lies in the fact that citizens of free countries of this hemisphere tolerate, or are inclined to tolerate and support, known Communists.

With respect to the magnitude of the Communist danger, the Ministers of Foreign Affairs declared that Communist subversion constitutes “one of the most subtle and dangerous forms of intervention in the internal affairs of other countries.” Nevertheless, prominent persons in the hemisphere underestimate, or persist in underestimating, the Communist danger, maintaining that it is easy to control since the number of Communists in the hemisphere is still small. *

a. Evolution of the direction of the international Communist Movement
To provide a better understanding of the objectives pursued by international communism and of its methods and modes of action, it is important to make a synthesis of the evolution that has occurred in the direction of the movement.
The forms and tactics employed have been many and varied, but it is interesting to point out that communism inexorably adheres to four fundamental principles: maintenance of the objective, economy of forces, sustained action, and the firm will to win.

In order to create more confusion in the thinking of the free world, international communism falsely preaches a policy of “peaceful coexistence,” just as it deceitfully distorts the traditional concepts of peace and democracy, or exploits the just aspirations of slowly developing nations for welfare and progress, inflaming their equally just nationalist, anti-colonialist, and anti-imperialist sentiments.

the structure of the democratic countries taken as a whole is not monolithic, in the same sense as that of the Communist world, whose unity of command has so far shown no rifts. Irrespective of whether the ideological dispute between the principal members of the Communist world is fictitious or real, the important thing is that any such dispute does not substantially affect the tactic of deceiving and upsetting the free world.

B. Brief References to the World Situation of Communism

One characteristic deception is the incorporation of Communists in genuine national movements for political, social, economic, and cultural reform, in order eventually to take control of them. Thesis a Communist tactic designed to seduce and win over most, if not all, of public opinion. Thus, it tries to overcome any popular resistance to the systematic diversion of those national movements toward the international Communist line dictated from abroad.

The psychological tactic of deceit—applied in the areas of just aspirations for national independence, self-determination, democracy, economic progress, cultural improvement, and social justice—is what in some cases in Asia, Africa, [and America has deformed legitimate popular movements in respect to electoral policies, differences, and revolutionary or trade-union struggles. This is exactly what happened in Cuba in the just and heroic phase of the revolution, and what is happening or can happen in other countries of America.

Groups, classes, regions, and nations— conscious or unconscious of the aforementioned psychological attitude, more sentimental than rational, that takes hold in the disorderly and shapeless popular mind—put forth claims that international communism always tries to cement and coordinate according to specific strategic methods in support of its policy of world supremacy, which is aimed toward the prior destruction of all the postulates of democracy.

the policy of democratic revolution, a policy of constructive progress instead of the destruction of values, has to travel a rougher road. This is due to the fact that the feelings of rebellion among the despairing and discouraged sectors of the countries’ populations are frequently based on the prevailing indifference to national problems and on a lack of faith in the political, social, and economic values of Western civilization.

International communism takes advantage of this state of mind, which is widespread in Latin America, and also in certain sectors of the United States, to develop its psychological campaign. It seeks to infiltrate and seize control of political parties by making use of demagogic opportunism; of labor groups by taking advantage of the absence of trade-union traditions; of groups of rural workers by making false promises; and of student groups by taking advantage of the idealism and enthusiasm characteristic of youth.

C. Incidence of the International Communist Movement in THE American Hemisphere

Always preserving its centralized direction, the international Communist movement plots its strategy and its tactics in accordance with the resolutions approved at the numerous congresses, meetings, and conferences of the Communist Party and its related bodies.

At its second congress (1920), the Third International established 21 conditions for affiliation of the Communist Parties of the entire world, including those in the Americas, thereby establishing their international character. According to the second of these conditions

Every organization desiring to join the Communist International shall be bound systematically and regularly to remove from all the responsible posts in the labor movement (party organization, editorship, labor unions, parliamentary factions, cooperatives, municipalities, etc.) all reformists and followers of the center and to have them replaced by Communists. * * *

The third condition stated that:
The class struggle in almost every country of Europe and America is entering the phase of civil war. Under such conditions the Communists can have no. confidence in bourgeois laws. They should create everywhere a parallel illegal apparatus, which at the decisive moment should be of assistance to the party to do its duty toward the revolution. In every country where, in consequence of martial law or of other exceptional laws, the Communists are unable to carry on their work legally, a combination of legal and illegal work is absolutely necessary.

And in the seventh condition it was stated that Parties desirous of joining the Communist International must recognize the necessity of a complete and absolute rupture with reformism and the policy of the “centrists,” and must advocate this rupture amongst the widest circles of the party membership without which condition a consistent Communist policy is impossible. The Communist International demands unconditionally and peremptorily that such rupture be brought about with the least possible delay.

The Seventh Congress of the Third International (1935), definitively establishing the thesis of Dimitrov, based on the intensive use of intellectuals, led to the creation of popular fronts to participate in the various kinds of electoral battles in the various countries.^ In its application to Latin America this thesis of the popular front was most successful in the labor groups.

when the integration of the aforementioned popular fronts was consolidated under the inspiration and directives of international communism, Moscow created front or facade organizations * and installed the Cominform as the coordination and information office •of the Communist Parties as well as an instrument of propaganda and reinforcement in the so-called cold war.

Since then the popular fronts and the local affiliates of the inter- national front organizations have manifested themselves through Communist participation in the electoral campaigns in democratic countries; in opposition groups; in countries where dictatorships exist in popular movements on behalf of various causes, and revolutionary movements that have been chiefly anti-imperialist in purpose; in infiltration in labor unions, particularly with a view to promoting strikes; in utilization and winning over of student and young people’s groups, especially through the exploitation of nationalistic ideas; in systematic propaganda about the U.S.S.R. by all possible means, designed principally to awaken enthusiasm for international communism and stir up hatred for the democratic system; and in false campaigns in favor of free trade and pacifism.

1. The meeting of South American Communist Parties, convened
by the Cominform and held in Montevideo in 1950: Its objective was to examine the situation in the area concerned, for the purpose of implementing the appropriate strategy and coordinating the struggles in the regional areas involved.

Its declared purposes were to accelerate the gradual destruction of the forces of capitalism, democratic systems, and private enterprise, and to weaken and impair the standing of international capitalism and the enemies of the U.S.S.R.

Taking into account the strategic position of the Caribbean area, in 1952 Moscow worked out a plan for Communist operations in that area. The features of this plan were as follows:
(a) Its realistic approach, since it took advantage of all conditions that would be favorable to its activities, such as the critical situation of the Latin American economy in the postwar period; economic, social, and cultural underdevelopment; class and racial differences; autocratic governemnts; the continued existence of foreign colonies; and, in general, all of the factors that foster latent discontent among the masses.

(b) Its prudence in transforming the Communist Parties into disguised instruments of what is really Red action, by creating organizations and movements that apparently have no connection with Communist leadership (fronts for anti-imperialism, anti- colonialism, national liberation, peace, etc.)

(c) Its flexibility in utilizing a great variety of methods involving action that is sometimes “peaceful” and other times revolutionary, and ceaseless psychological action.

The results of these resolutions in the American Hemisphere have been as follows: the appointment of a greater number of Latin American representatives in international front organizations; meetings of the Communist Parties for the purpose of “exchanging experiences” and “forming new cadres”; change in operational tactics to avoid committing the Communist Parties to activities that are opposed to peaceful coexistence, and instead, carrying out revolutionary operations through agents who have infiltrated into non- Communist organizations; and intensification of psychological action through a cultural and artistic offensive among the higher social classes.

D. Conclusions

4. In the leadership of the American Communist Parties, the tactic presently employed is that of keeping the principal leaders concealed and using as a front person whose notoriety as Communists lessens their effectiveness. This tactic enables them to infiltrate agents into key positions in the political, economic, and social organizations of the American countries. This is an element of grave danger to the independence and democratic systems of these nations.

5. Since 1945 international communism has made very wide use of “frontism,” based on front (or facade) organizations to promote action that will favor its aims. This action tends chiefly toward the creation of “fronts” that may cover various fields, such as “peace front,” “labor front,” or “student front,” their outstanding characteristic being that they are regarded as non-Communist.

6. Communism exploits the logical desire of the peoples to seek solutions for their problems—problems that are evident and that, furthermore, stand in urgent need of solution. Through the tactics of deceit, communism takes advantage of social realities so that when the moment arrives in which governments are approaching solutions in the national interest, it creates obstacles to any measures which, precisely because they are suitable, would deprive it of its battle cry.

7. Communism adapts to the environment and creates conflicts or intensifies existing situations, seeking party members and “fellow travelers” (these latter being more numerous, influential, and listened to than the declared Communists).

8. Communism employs various strategies and trickeries, it uses legal and illegal procedures; it remains silent and conceals the truth; it acts alone, or jointly with any ally who may help achieve its purpose. Its final objective is to dominate the world.

9. Communist strategy has found a new route of approach, taking advantage of the peoples’ yearning for independence and desire for peace, and of neutralism and the existence of neutralist blocs, whether or not these are developed under the direction of international communism, in order to attempt to reduce the potential of the free world.

 

III. DECEIT—BASIC TO COMMUNIST OBJECTIVES AND METHODS
A. Deceit in Communist Objectives

1. THE GREAT DECEIT OF COMMUNISM

The Communists’ greatest deceit is in the way they mask their true objectives.

National Communist Parties in our hemisphere publicly profess ideals that are accepted by most people. Their statements constantly affirm Communist intentions to achieve power through peaceful means, to provide land to the peasants and homes for the workers, and to establish a government by the people.

2. COMMUNIST OBJECTIVE: TRIUMPH THROUGHOUT THE WORLD
After the 1960 meeting of 81 Communist and Labor Parties of the world in Moscow, Birushchev declared, on January 6, 1961:
The unity of the ranks of every Communist Party and the unity of all Communist Parties constitutes the united international Communist movement directed at the achievement of our common goal: the triumph of communism throughout the world.

In referring to the same meeting, M. A. Suslov, a member of the Presidium of the Communist Party of the U.S.S.K., declared on January 18, 1961:
After this historic meeting, the ways of the international Communist movement became still clearer, the means of our common struggle still more reliable and true, our ranks still closer and our great goal—communism—still nearer.
Thus, Khrushchev and Suslov with blatant clarity affirmed that communism is aggressive. In so doing they have repeated the theme proclaimed by Communist leaders since the 1917 October revolution and which as long ago as 1922 Stalin himself had defined in unmistakable terms as “the amalgamation of the toilers of the whole world into a single world Socialist Soviet Republic.”

3. DOMINATION OF THE SOVIET COMMUNIST PARTY OVER COMMUNIST PARTIES IN THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE

As has been noted, the major meetings of the world Communist movement since 1917 have been held in Moscow and have been staged and dominated by the Communist Party of the U.S.S.E.

The Second Congress of the Third Communist International, in the 16th of its 21 conditions, provided that the decisions of the Communist International would be binding on all parties belonging to it. This condition has meant in practice that every Communist Party must unreservedly support the U.S.S.R. The clearest verification of such support is to be found in the radical shifts that Communist Parties have had to make in the course of the years to adjust to the change m Soviet foreign policy. These readjustments have taken place irrespective of whether the world Communist movement called itself the Comintern, the Cominform or, as at present, had no formal name. In this way, the conduct of the Communists has shown the falseness of the argument that the national Communist Parties are autonomous, as well as of the idea that they adhere to the principles of the Communist Party of the U.S.S.R. only because, like the Marxist-Leninists

4. THE TRIUMPH OF COMMUNISM IS FATAL TO NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE.

the national government and exercise power with Soviet military aid. In no country have the Communists, once they have gained power, permitted demonstrations of opposition to Soviet-directed policy, or any other form of national independence. The countries dominated by the Communists have transformed their political, economic, and social institutions to adjust them to the Soviet model.

B. Deceit in Communist Methods
1. Communists’ need for deceit
Always operating as a subversive minority in free nations, and pursuing basic objectives incompatible with national independence, the Communists try to capture the strength of their fellow citizens through wide use of deceit.

The Communist Parties of the world acknowledged no ethical restraints on their methods. Thus, in 1920 Lenin declared:

At the basis of Communist morality lies the struggle for the consolidation and consummation of communism. That also is the basis of Communist training, education, and tuition.

statements made by Matyas Kakosi, Deputy Premier of Hungary in 1952 and by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in 1948, both emphasize that the Communists deliberately deferred statements of their final aims during their struggle to obtain power.

A few days later, on December 20, 1961, Castro made it perfectly clear that his reasons for having deceived the Cuban people were essentially the same as the reasons for which Czech Communists and Hungarian Communists had deceived the Czech and Hungarian peoples. Castro told the National Congress of the Schools of Revolutionary Instruction:
Of course, if we stood on Turquino Peak at the time when we were “cuatro gatos,” and said, we are Marxist-Leninists—from the top of Turquino Peak we might possibly have been unable to descend to the plain below.
Communist subversive activities range from the narrowly covert (such as espionage), to hidden participation in legal organizations (such as labor unions), _ to open activity as an avowed Communist Party. All these activities are characterized by deceit in varying degree as to their ultimate objective—or as to their methods, or both. Therefore, they are not always easy to identify.

3. USE OF WORDS
(a) Nationalism

The Communists recognize that the love of national independence
is a powerful political force and they seek to identify themselves with it. They permit, in the areas under their domination, expressions of “national feelings,” in limited forms, as in the use of national costumes, songs, and languages.

(6) “Peaceful coexistence”

peaceful coexistence” is merely a modern name for the constant Communist attack against free nations, in which they employ all means short of general war.

(c) Democracy

As shown in the ideas quoted, Khrushchev identifies democracy with dictatorship; and Castro shows how this works—by selection instead of election, selection by the Communist Party instead of election by the people. Democratic centralism thus practiced is by no means democratic, but it certainly is centralized. It is the Communists’ disguise for Communist dictatorship.

(d) Dictatorship
Lenin repeatedly endorsed dictatorship.

The Communists have no quarrel with dictatorship, provided they can control it through the Communist Party.
True to the Communist tactics of deceit, and well aware of the Western Hemisphere’s aversion to dictatorship, Castro declared in a speech made on April 22, 1959, in Central Park, New York City, that his revolution practiced the democratic principles of “humanism,” which meant “neither dictatorships of men, nor dictatorships of castes, nor oligarchy of classes: government of the people without dictatorships and without oligarchy.

4. USE OF PEOPLE
(a) Workers
The Communists frequently make use of labor organizations and
foment strikes, not to improve the workers’ welfare but to achieve Communist domination over the workers’ organizations.

(6) Students
The Communists make special efforts to use students, cynically
trying to exploit their vitality, idealism, and capacity for leadership. In most student organizations the independent students far outnumber the Communists and have succeeded in maintaining control. But in some organizations the Communist minorities have taken advantage of divisions and apathy on the part of the majority to acquire positions from which they can dominate them.
One of the favorite tactics of the Communist Party is to use students to organize demonstrations on behalf of persons or positions that suit Moscow’s objectives. The Communists call these demonstrations spontaneous. But everyone sees that they use the same slogans, occur at the same time in different countries, and generally follow shortly after an exhortation in Pravda.

(c) The so-called reactionaries
The Communists not only use leaders of students’ and workers’
groups but also collaborate with those whom they publicly call reactionaries.

5. COMMUNIST USE OF PROMISES
(a) Prosperity
The Communists try to extend their power by making false promises. They tout their economic system as the only truly scientific and efficient system capable of assuring material prosperity, personal security, and social equality to the common man.

The Communists promise a better life for the common man but the record shows that they have not been able to produce it. They strip the people of their civil liberties and rights under the pretext that the temporary sacrifice of personal freedom is essential to the achievement of the common welfare. They are unable to establish social equality because their system of totalitarian control makes it imperative that the vast state bureaucracy become a privileged oligarchy. They have failed to achieve material prosperity for the masses of the people because the insatiably power-hungry apparatus of the state places military and industrial requirements ahead of the needs of the individual.

(b) Land
Perhaps the most tragic deceit practiced by the Communists is the
false promise they make in response to man’s natural desire to own his own land. The Communists promise that their revolution will make this hope come true.

In the Communist system prevailing in Cuba a “people’s farm” means the same thing as what Communists in other countries call a sovjos, that is, that the land does not belong to the man who works it.
However, that may be, the important fact is that the Communists seek by every means to turn aside the rural workers from the constructive plans that are being prepared or carried out through democratic channels in the campaign for an equitable agrarian reform, in order to involve them in a hateful class conflict. Thus, they place agrarian reform at the service of international Communist agitation instead of placing at the service of the genuine interests of rural workers, as true democrats do, the sufficient technicians and resources for an effective rational exploitation of the land for the benefit of man.

6. COMMUNIST USE OF VIOLENCE
Obviously, violence plays an important role among Communist tactics and is by no means regarded by the Communists as inconsistent with peaceful coexistence.

The Venezuelan Communists have requested aid from abroad against the Government of Venezuela. OnApril10,1962, the official organ of the Communist Party of the United States, the Daily Worker, published a letter from the Secretary for International Relations of the Communist Party of Venezuela, requesting the fraternal support of the Communist and Workers’ Parties against “the policy of the Betancourt-Copei government of servile betrayal in favor of imperialism. * * *” There is no reason why the Venezuelan Communists should have any scruples about asking the U.S. Communists for help, since both are foreign agents of the same boss.

7. COMMUNIST OPPOSITION TO CONSTRTTCTIVE REFORMS
Jealously attempting to monopolize for themselves all credit for any socially constructive measures, the Communists aggressively practice a “dog-in-the-manger” policy regarding any constructive measures proposed by others.

C. Conclusions
The Communist technique of deceit uses and abuses words and robs them of their legitimate meaning, replacing it with a Marxist-Leninist interpretation. The seduction which such words exercise over the popular mind furthers the purposes of Communist aggression against the Western World.

Democracy must itself not play the Communist game of misuse of words. In this respect, it should avoid applying the epithet “Communist” to persons who, with good intentions and not influenced by disruptive ideas, ask for reforms that are necessary or oppose procedures that, to serve personal interests, run counter to the interests of the community.

The Committee is convinced that the peoples of America, when they know the objectives, methods, and procedures of communism as these are exposed to the light of the truth, cannot tolerate known Communists, accept the existence of a national Communist Party, or much less allow communism to achieve its goal of world domination.

IV. REPLY OF DEMOCEATIC SOCIETY
Throughout the course of this work various aspects of the inter- national Communist movement were exposed and analyzed, including its development and the deceitfulness of its purposes and methods. Men in general, and particularly those who endure its tensions, will have asked themselves to what its development is due, in view of its destructive purpose and the falsity of its acts.
The Committee is firmly convinced that the Communist advance is due mainly to the lack of information regarding its true aims; to the fact that it takes possession of legitimate aspirations of the people, distorting these to its benefit, as has been said; and to the lack of faith in the institutions and leaders of democracy on the part of certain discouraged sectors.

the concept of caste prevailing in the selection of leaders of the Communist movement, which thus becomes autocratic and oligarchic, is quite well known. This excludes every possibility that it would give acceptance to the free play of democratic institutions that characterizes our society, in which every man may succeed in acquiring significance and representation in line with his aptitudes and qualifications. It is for this reason that communism considers our democratic electoral systems decadent and replaces them with the preeminence of a single despotic and cruel party.

The deeply human basis on which the development of culture and science in the democratic countries rests permits the purest and freest creations of the mind and spirit. Must this be changed because subjugation to the state and to the party, the sole sources capable of creations such as those advocated by communism, is better?

Finally, it should be pointed out that the committee is fully aware of the negative effect which two well-known factors have, or can have, on efforts to form a united front against communism in various countries. These factors are: what has become known as “McCarthy- ism,” that is, a deformation of the action that was advocated by the late Senator Joseph McCarthy of the United States; and the existence of persons and organizations who make a “business” of anti-Communist sentiment and action. Both elements, working at the official and the private level, and conscious or not of the damage they are doing, follow a hard line of action against persons, organizations, or governments, accusing them indiscriminately of being Communist. Besides frequently causing unjust injury to the persons, organizations, and governments accused, this line of action provides free propaganda for communism and, what is still more serious, detracts from the solution of the real problems facing the people.

V. RECOMMENDATIONS

Modern democratic society has, without ceasing, adopted systems of life in order that its peoples might enjoy greater well-being, receiving the benefits of technology while developing greater and greater respect for human rights and fundamental liberties. In this democratic revolution all sectors are actively participating (governments, intellectuals, students, workers, the rural population, business- men, the armed forces, and churches), and this revolution reaches into every field of complex modern society as a consequence of the many- faceted activities of man.

International communism therefore has no right to arrogate to itself
any claim to having initiated this social revolution, belonging as it does to the people, who with great effort and sacrifice are forging a better world. For example, the standards set by the Catholic Church for reforming the social order and the condition of workers are clearly revolutionary.’ In particular, the programs of the Alliance for Progress, both in concept and scope, embody a profound economic and social revolution.
This is the background of the revolutionary change that the Communists are exploiting. They are the vultures of this process of modernization. They believe that the unstable conditions that emerge during the course of this process of modernization are vulnerable to subversion, sabotage, and even guerrilla warfare. Despite their doctrine of “historic inevitability” they know that they have only a limited time in which to gain power in the underdeveloped areas.

They recognize that their opportunities to gain power diminish in proportion to the speed with which progress becomes evident and social problems find proper solution. Hence, their great emphasis on subverting existing institutions, and exploiting, the tensions, strains, and conflicts of interest that necessarily accompany so radical a change in the social system.

4. When the problem of the preservation and defense of democracy against the threat of subversive action by international communism was presented for the first time at the Conference of Bogota (1948), the American Republics resolved
1. To reaffirm their decision to maintain and further an effective social and economic policy for the purpose of raising the standard of living of their peoples; and their conviction that only under a system founded upon a guarantee of the essential freedoms and rights of the individual is it possible to attain this goal.
2. To condemn the methods of every system tending to suppress political and civil rights and liberties, and in particular the action of international communism or any other totalitarian doctrine.
3. To adopt, within their respective territories and in accordance with their respective constitutional provisions, the measures necessary to eradicate and prevent activities, directed, assisted, or instigated by foreign governments, organizations, or individuals tending to over- throw their institutions by violence, to foment disorder in their domestic political life, or to disturb, by means of pressure, subversive propaganda, threats, or by any other means, the free and sovereign right of their peoples to govern themselves in accordance with their democratic aspirations.
4. To proceed with a full exchange of information concerning any
of the aforementioned activities that are carried on within their _
respective jurisdictions.
5. The fourth meeting of consultation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs
(Washington, 1951), convoked specifically because “the growing threat of international Communist aggression has demonstrated the urgent necessity that the free nations of the world determine the most effective methods for preserving their freedom and independence,” and “the need for adopting measures to insure the economic, political, and military defense of this hemisphere is urgent and of common interest to the American Republics,” resolved:
(1) To recommend to the governments of the American States-
la) That, mindful of their unity of pm-pose and taking account of the contents of Resolution VI of the second meeting of consultation in Havana and Resolution XXXII of the Ninth International Conference of American States in Bogota, each American republic examine its respective laws and regulations and adopt such changes as it may consider necessary to assure
that the subversive activities of the agents of international communism directed against any of them, may be adequately prevented and punished;
(b) That, in accordance with their respective constitutional provisions they enact measures necessary to regulate in the countries of America transit across international boundaries of those foreigners who there is reason to expect will attempt to carry out subversive acts against the defense of the American Continent; and
(c) That, in the application of this resolution, they bear in mind the necessity of guaranteeing and defending by the most efficacious means the rights of the human person as well as their firm determination to preserve and defend the basic democratic institutions of the peoples of the American republics.

For the purpose of facilitating the fulfilment of the objectives of this resolution, it was recommended that the Pan American Union prepare technical studies on certain aspects of subversive action.

6. In the “Declaration of Solidarity for the Preservation of the Political Integrity of the American States Against the Intervention of International Communism,” the 10th Inter-American Conference (Caracas, 1954), again insisted on the need to adopt and carry out measures to counteract the subversive activities of the international Communist movement, recommending that the American governments, without prejudice to such other measures as they might con- sider desirable, should give special attention to the following steps for the purpose of counteracting such activities within their respective jurisdictions:
(a) Measures to require disclosure of the identity, activities, and sources of funds of those who are spreading propaganda of the international Communist movement or who travel in the interests of that movement, and of those who act as its agents or in its behalf; and
(b) The exchange of information among governments to assist in fulfilling the purpose of the resolutions adopted by the inter-American conferences and meetings of Ministers of Foreign Affairs regarding international communism.

owing to the methods employed by international communism, the lack of cooperation of one state can render inoperative the measures adopted by a contiguous state; and when several states fail to cooperate, the system for defense against subversion as a whole becomes ineffective. The interdependence of the measures to counteract subversive action is such that if any government fails to apply them, the system is weakened and is entire effectiveness is undermined. This is the impression one receives from surveying the American scene over the past few years.

the Committee wishes to add that the subversive action of international communism here supposes the performance of acts directed, assisted, or instigated by foreign powers or governments, and that therefore, they constitute grave acts against the public order and the security of the state, especially when the “,gent carrying out the subversive action is a national or citizen of that state. Under the laws of all the countries of the world, and the international instruments governing the matter, the enjoyment of human rights and fundamental liberties is subject to the limitations and restrictions that the state is expressly authorized to impose for reasons of internal security or other reasons that are considered vital to the welfare of the nation. It can be easily under- stood, therefore, what a legal and political mistake it would be to tolerate subversive activity or fail to combat it adequately, out of fear that human rights and fundamental liberties would not be respected.

The above recommendations and considerations, therefore, are completely consistent with the aim, already expressed in Resolution VIII repeatedly quoted, that in applying the measures referred to, the states should bear in mind “the necessity of guaranteeing and defending by the most efficacious means the rights of the human person as well as their firm determination to preserve and defend the
basic democratic institutions of the peoples of the American Republics.” On this point, the above-mentioned Pan American Union report states that in its conclusions care was taken to guard “against the possibility that such ways and means be used to obstruct or sup- press genuinely democratic expressions of opinion, activities, or political aspirations, completely foreign to international communism.”

PAPER PREPARED AT THE REQUEST OF THE COUNCIL COMMITTEE ENTRUSTED WITH THE STUDY OF THE TRANSFER OF FUNDS TO THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS FOR SUBVERSIVE PURPOSES, THE FLOW OF SUBVERSIVE PROPAGANDA AND THE UTILIZATION OF CUBA AS A BASE FOR TRAINING IN SUBVERSIVE TECHNIQUES

The specific recommendations the Committee suggests in this study do not refer to any particular country. They include the adoption of certain measures that, in the abstract and without prejudice to other measures that may be better adapted to circumstances within each country, are considered technically necessary to counter- act, at least in part, the subversive activity that international communism is carrying out in the Western Hemisphere, especially through Cuba.
It also presents them with complete awareness that the Governments and peoples of the Americas have the right, the capacity, and the interest to confront the subversive action of international communism, and that if these recommendations are adopted, they will be applied taking into account the statements made in the initial general report, chapter V.A. 9, 10, and 11.
(e) The appendix to this study illustrates, with specific cases, the techniques of subversive activity employed by communism in America and to which reference is made herein.

The world is virtually at war—an atypical kind of war, which is being waged by international communism and suffered by the democracies. In this sense it is undeniable that the Marxist dialectic has changed the saying of Clausewitz that “war is the continuation of politics by other means,” to the assertion that “peace is only the continuation of war by other means.”
In a speech delivered January 6, 1961, Khrushchev pointed out three kinds of war: “world wars, local wars, and wars of liberation or popular insurrections.” He said that this classification made it “necessary to devise tactics that are correct for each of these types of wars.”

What Khrushchev describes as a ”war of liberation’ or “popular uprising” is really hidden aggression: subversion.

Exploiting the desire of the democracies to avoid war, particularly under present circumstances, in which arms of great _ destructive power might be used, the design of Communist expansion finds in subversion the least costly way of acquiring peoples and territories without exaggerated risk.
Subversion, the techniques of which vary from simple infiltration to violent intervention, is conceived, developed, and perfected by the leaders of communism, who utilize it to carry forward their world revolution. Its aim is to replace the political, economic, and social order existing in a country by a new order, which presupposes the complete physical and moral control of the people.

B. SOME TECHNIQUES EMPLOYED

1. Recruitment and training

In 1900, Lenin wrote: “We must train men and women who will dedicate not only their free afternoons to the revolution, but their entire lives.”
I. J. Peters, in his Organization Manual of the Communist Party, explaining what Lenin meant by a professional revolutionary, said that such a person is a highly skilled comrade, trained in the theory and practice of revolution, tested in battle, who gives his whole life to the struggle for the interests of his own class. A professional of the revolution, he said, is ready to go wherever and whenever the party orders him and, if the class struggle requires it, he must leave his family for months or even years.

2. Infiltration
Through this technique, activists are infiltrated into previously selected organizations and institutions in order, progressively and methodically, to gain absolute direction and control of them. To do this, the activist studies the problems of the group and takes advantage of those that are sources of agitation, exploiting them in such a way as to gain the group’s adherence to party interests. In other words, the activist avails himself of all circumstances enabling him to attract non-Communists in the vicinity.

3. Psychological impregnation
The individual action of the activists is complemented by well
planned and developed psychological action. An effort is made to attract and convert indifferent people by exploiting the contradictions present in every organized society and the justified longings to resolve them. For this purpose, attractive material, easily accessible to the masses, is drawn up or prepared.

4. Dislocation

Dislocation The object of dislocation is to weaken the social structure. Just as with psychological impregnation, dislocation skillfully exploits existing contradictions, student or labor conflicts, religious or social differences, and so forth for the purpose of creating disorder and provoking violence.
…People’s discontent and justified aspirations are taken advantage of by the Communists to serve as a useful, and in some cases, highly effective means of creating disorder and driving the authorities to rigorous law enforcement and the consequent use of police measures. Freedom to congregate, the right to strike, and other liberties granted by democracy are abused; laws are labeled as antidemocratic or dictatorial, and the authorities are criticized and attacked as being solely responsible for the situation. With disorder thus stirred up, all kinds of arms are employed and offenses are perpetrated against individuals and also against public and private property, thereby inciting violent action on the part of the police, which serves the Communists’ ulterior ends.

In a parallel way, by means of the propaganda available to them, they undertake a campaign to misrepresent and discredit the government, the authorities, and all non-Communist individuals of any influence in society.

Finally, an effort is made to hinder or paralyze the development of trade and the national economy; to put to the test lawful means of internal security and to invent new actions to frustrate them; in short, to create uncertainty and chaos, in order to demonstrate the inefficiency of the power controlling the situation through lawful procedures. A propitious atmosphere is thereby created for total subversion.

5. Process of militarization

Through a process of proper organization, a military apparatus of growing complexity is created. First, action or shock teams are created. These are small in number and are usually used for hand fighting, sabotage, or acts of terrorism.

II. Cuba as a Base for Subversion in America

A. CUBA AS A TRAINING CENTER

The different media of information often describe subversive activities in different American countries and point to Cuba as center for training in the techniques of Communist subversion.

1. Training centers
There can be no doubt that the creation and maintenance of a Communist government in Cuba facilitates to an extraordinary degree the subversive action of international communism in America. This is true not only with respect to the spread of the Communist ideology, but also—what is more dangerous—because it constitutes a center quite nearby for training agents of every kind whose function it is to develop subversion in the countries of the hemisphere.

The fellowship program announced by Fidel Castro in his speech of June 9, 1961, which included the granting of 1,000 fellowships for students of the various American countries, gives an idea of how, from its very first years, the Cuban Communist regime gave primary importance to the indoctrination and training of American youths in Communist techniques.

2. Organizations devoted to the spread of subversion in America
In addition to the training centers, there are in Cuba some organizations whose purpose it is to carry subversion to America. There is
knowledge that the following are functioning:

3. Congresses and meetings
Concurrently with the systematic preparation of Communist
subversive agents a series of meetings, conferences, congresses, and so on are being held in Cuba, attended by the Communist elements of America and by sympathizers, the real purpose of which is to discuss plans, fix objectives, and issue directives that must be observed by the different groups, with respect to Communist subversive action of every form.
These congresses, conferences and meetings bring together persons linked to the different fields of human activity: workers, students, intellectuals, athletes, etc.

If.. Conclusions
It is clear that Cuba is being used as a base for training in communism and its spread in America.

That activity of international communism, and particularly on the
part of the Cuban Government, is greatly facilitated by the lack of suitable measures, and of cooperation among the American countries, to check the constant and heavy stream of travelers to and from Cuba. The importance of this problem makes it necessary to devote a special section to it.

B. CONTROL OF TRAVEL
1. General considerations
The nations that maintain normal and friendly relations recognize
that it is desirable and even necessary to facilitate travel by their nationals across their borders as a means of strengthening cultural and economic ties, becoming better known, and becoming qualified and ready to support one another in the solution of their problems.

These facilities are used by communism so that its agents may circulate freely and, in this way, introduce propaganda and move the money needed in planning, encouraging, and carrying on subversion. It has already been pointed out in this connection that it is of public knowledge that many individuals of antinational and communistic tendencies travel to Cuba for various reasons connected with sub- version. Cuba is also utilized as the point of departure for trips to the Communist countries of Europe or Asia for the same reasons.

III. Transmission of Subversive Propaganda

A. GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS

Considering the primary importance of propaganda or publicity in the lives of nations, and the development it has now attained, it is advisable to point out that this means of so directly influencing the people is very effectively used by international communism.

Obviously, the international Communist movement is constantly endeavoring to increase its propaganda. That increase and the danger represented by such propaganda can be measured, in part, by the number of organizations that are at its service; the circulation of newspapers and magazines, books, pamphlets, leaflets, posters, and, in general, all kinds of publications presenting Communist ideology; the number of radio broadcasts and showings of motion pictures; the organization of an attendance at festivals, congresses, meetings, lectures, and so on; the establishment and operation of training and indoctrination schools; trips to or from the Communist countries; and so on.
The degree of this danger can also be measured by the resources that international communism invests to maintain the propaganda apparatus in the Western countries. But what best gives a true measure of it is the fact that the Communists themselves consider propaganda as one of the essential means of prime importance to the success of their political action.
The aim of this propaganda is to provoke social and economic chaos, weaken the governments, and bring the masses of the people into a prerevolutionary situation from which the Communists can launch their attack on the seats of power. Each Communist Party, through its agitation and propaganda section, sows hate, doubt, and confusion, which carry with them the seeds of political and economic decay. Through these agitation and propaganda sections, the members receive, from the international headquarters or from the executive or central committee in their respective countries, precise instructions on the general topics they should develop. Then they adapt them to the local or national situation and exploit them, making use of all known media of dissemination of information.

The tactics frequently change, but the objective remains un- changing: To dissolve or undo the democratic system in order to replace it with the dictatorship of the Communist Party.

B. SUBJECTS OF THE PROPAGANDA

The subjects of the Communist propaganda in America vary from country to country and from region to region, according to circum- stances. Nevertheless, this variation is more one of form than of substance, since in all cases the particular approach is in accordance with the general program of Communist propaganda for America planned from abroad.

C. INSTRUMENTS OF PROPAGANDA

1. Diplomatic and consular missions

The informational activity carried on by countries through their
diplomatic and consular missions is well known and accepted. How- ever, the use of these missions for purposes of political and ideological propaganda as a means of favoring subversion is relatively new.

2. Trade and technical assistance missions
Just as in the case of their diplomatic and consular missions, the
Communists make use of their trade and technical assistance missions that have been established in certain American countries as one more instrument for spreading their subversive propaganda. Through these missions, the countries of the Communist bloc introduce techniques for sabotage, agitation, and propaganda in various countries.

3. Binational centers and associations for friendship or culture
Since 1945, international communism has employed a great profusion of front organizations to promote actions favoring its efforts and as a means of infiltrating democratic society. Among these we may mention the binational centers and associations for friendship or culture, which currently make a practice of organizing activities such as film festivals, artistic performances of various kinds, trips, lectures, congresses of writers and intellectuals, and so on, all of
which serve the ends of Communist propaganda.

B. Printed propaganda
Printed propaganda is one of the media most often utilized by the
Communists to spread their doctrine and carry on their subversive activities. _ For these purposes they make use of both foreign and local publications.

(a) Foreign publications
This kind of propaganda is spread through news services, mail,
travelers, diplomatic, consular, and commercial missions, and by clandestine means.
The introduction of these publications by travelers is another method commonly used by the Communists to disseminate their propaganda. While it is difficult for ordinary travelers to transport large amounts of propaganda of this sort, this is not true of those who travel under the protection of official or diplomatic passports, and this is an important channel for the entry of subversive propaganda.

D. CONCLUSIONS
The Communist propaganda from Cuba and the Sino-Soviet bloc is constantly increasing and radiates to all the countries of the Western Hemisphere, taking maximum advantage of all means of dissemination. Essentially, the aim of this propaganda is to destroy the foundations of democracy, fomenting and exploiting for its own benefit the social, religious, political, economic, and racial problems that exist, to a greater or lesser degree, in the American countries.

Communist propaganda constitutes a form of subversive action that is just as dangerous to the internal security of the American nations as any other form subversion takes, and, likewise, represents a serious threat to the peace and security of America.

It must be recognized that, so far, there is no real awareness in the American countries of the danger to their security that lies in adopting a passive attitude toward the activity of Communist propaganda.

E. RECOMMENDATIONS

This Committee submits the following recommendations (on action to be taken by the governments) for consideration by the Committee of the Council:

In general, that each American country should have the agencies needed to enable it to plan, direct, and carry on the psychological action (propaganda and counterpropaganda) to counteract, weaken, or cancel out the Communist propaganda that is carried on through any medium.

IV. Transfer of Funds to the American Republics for Subversive Purposes

a. general considerations

It is an indisputable fact that Communist or pro-Communist groups in the American countries must necessarily have a large amount of money to carry on their subversive activities.
If it is considered that these groups, in addition to being a minority in their respective countries, are mainly composed of individuals of limited economic resources, it may be concluded that they do not have the means for financing themselves.

Financial aid for the subversive purposes of communism is very difficult to verify, owing to the secretive and disguised manner in which it is practiced. Nevertheless, according to information supplied by some American countries and news that has appeared in news organs of proved seriousness it can be affirmed that it is the present Cuban Government that is responsible for providing, directly or indirectly, a large portion of the financial support received by the Communist Parties in the other American Republics.

Cuba, when the Castro-Communist government was first installed in Havana, gave its moral, material, and financial support to a series of invasions, organized within its territory, into different countries in the Caribbean region. Since 1959 this form of activity was sus- pended through fear that these flagrant acts of intervention would give rise to a collective inter-American action. This did not mean that Castro-Communist interference in the affairs of the Americas had ceased to exist; on the contrary, her subversive activity was intensified in many other ways, among them, through abundant and continual financial aid.

B. OBTAINING OP FUNDS

The American Communist Parties, in order to obtain the necessary funds for their subversive purposes, have two main sources available: the collection of funds in their respective countries and the receipt of funds coming from abroad.

2. Funds received from abroad

These funds constitute the major part of the income of the Communist Parties. The instrument most frequently used to receive and distribute such funds is the Communist diplomatic mission in those countries with which their countries maintain relations. They receive the quantities assigned to the national Communist groups and those of the other countries, and from their respective headquarters they distribute financial aid to the addressees through their agents, the postal service, and the banks.

Mention should also be made here of transfers of funds intended for imaginary or real business concerns, which are utilized in subversive Communist activity once they have been brought into the country.

C. CONCLUSIONS
The movement of funds from Communist countries to the American Republics for use in subversive activities is extremely difficult to control, not only because of the different methods used to carry it out, but owing to the facilities that exist for making transfers of money.

D. RECOMMENDATIONS

(1) To inspect Communist entities and persons, as well as Communist suspects, in the different countries in order to determine the origin of the funds that permit them to develop Communist subversive activities.
(2) To control contraband, particularly of narcotics, which, as is known, is one of the most effective means employed by communism to obtain funds.
(3) To consider the possibility that experts in the matter, within the respective legal systems of the American countries, might study the means that would make it possible to control the entry of money or securities that it is believed are intended to serve the ends of Communist subversion.
(4) To exercise strict control over the national procedures used by Communists to obtain funds, as pointed out in this chapter.

v. General Recommendations

2. That the American Governments be asked to devote particular attention to their intelligence services, creating or improving them, in order that they may have the means that will enable them to plan, coordinate and carry out effective action against Communist sub- version; and, likewise, to organize, equip and train their security forces so that they may be in proper condition to repress the subversive activities of international communism.

VI. Final Consideration
Since the time of its initial general report, the Committee has observed that the establishment of a beachhead on American territory, achieved by the Communist offensive, “poses a threat of the utmost gravity to the security of the hemisphere.” The events that have taken place since that time, particularly the military strengthening of Cuba by the Soviet Union, by greatly increasing the capacity of the Cuban Government to send arms into neighboring countries and to intensify other subversive activities, render the threat to hemispheric security much more serious, a threat that assumes an urgent character with respect to the security of the countries of the Caribbean region. This has become evident, sometimes in a dramatic manner, in the recent wave of terrorism, sabotage, and other subversive activities that Castro communism has unleashed in some of the Latin American countries.

The degree of develop- ment attained by the political-military apparatus that has been established in Cuba is rendering the system of security against subversion increasingly inadequate and ineffective, based solely on the isolated measures that each country might adopt. Holding this conviction, the Committee has wished to assume responsibility for expressing it, in view of the present state of events, in order that the American governments may effectively confront the subversive action of Castro communism.

COMBINED REPORTS ON COMMITNIST SUBVERSION

III. Communist Activities in the Western Hemisphere
A. GENERAL PANORAMA
1. Present situation
The Special Consultative Committee on Security is of the opinion that, since the date of its last report (February 8, 1963), the subversive activities of international communism in the American states have continued to such an alarming degree that measures must be taken immediately to end this danger to the peace and security of the hemisphere.

2. Principal manifestations
The present line of conduct being followed by the Communists in
carrying out their strategic plan for achieving their ultimate objectives primarily takes the form of
(a) Subversive activities (agitation, strikes, guerrilla warfare, et cetera), which in some countries have reached the point of open insurrection;
(6) Acts of sabotage and systematic terrorism, carried out by small, but perfectly trained and equipped groups, following pre-established plans and intended to create a climate conduce to general insurrection;
(c) Infiltration into governmental spheres, including the armed forces, which endangers institutional stability itself;
(d) Penetration into information agencies and media (press, radio, and television) with personnel especially trained in Communist propaganda; and
(e) Growing participation in the educational field, particularly at the university level, seeking, among other things, to create a rapprochement between professional people, students, and workers, not for purposes of trade union improvement but only to develop their own subversive activities.

freedom of the press is a basic principle in democratic countries. In defense of that principle, then, it is important to point out that organs of the press must exercise strict vigilance to make certain that this freedom is not used by communism for the purpose of destroying it.
Similar observation and vigilance are recommended for the other information media, since they are essential in the development of the propaganda activity of Communist imperialism.

5. The problem in the universities

This aspect deserves special consideration, in view of the important role of the university in preparing the leaders of a country.
The Special Consultative Committee on Security believes that the degree to which communism has infiltrated various university institutions in the American States is of the utmost seriousness. This is being done mainly in the following ways:
By attempting to gain teaching and administrative control of the universities;
By appointing Communist or pro-Communist professors for activities connected with teaching;
By using university funds for Communist propaganda activities;
By organizing university federations, associations, or committees, fostered and directed by Communists, or by taking advantage of existing ones; and
By promoting public functions, lectures, demonstrations, etc., in support of Communist regimes and leaders and the ideas advanced by them.

6. International communism and Castroism

Subversive activities in the American Hemisphere are typical of
international communism, although in some instances it waves the flag of the Castro regime in Cuba, presenting it as if it were a regional or an American movement. Actually, Castroism is nothing more than a collateral movement that obeys extracontinental instructions and directives and is used principally for the purpose of confusing public opinion.

7. “Coexistence”

The Special Consultative Committee on Security believes that in the fight against Communist activities throughout the hemisphere it is of basic importance that the American people not allow themselves to be deceived by the frequent use of the word “coexistence.”

It repeats that in no case is it possible to accept “coexistence,” particularly so long as there persists a policy of intervention and aggression on the part of Communist imperialism. It is evident that at the same time the Soviet leaders speak of “coexistence,” they are actively pursuing their efforts to substitute Communist dictatorship for the institutional order in our countries. Nor is it possible to accept conformity with the philosophical and ideological principles of communism, which are totally foreign to and incompatible with American ideals.

B. CONSIDERATIONS

In summary, it is necessary to stress the need

(1) To keep close watch on the development of Communist action in the universities and other educational centers.
(2) To pass suitable legislation for keeping Communists out of Government agencies and the Armed Forces.
(3) To conduct a suitable information campaign on the methods and techniques of deceit employed by Communist propaganda, particularly in connection with its use of the pre- tended example of the Castro revolution and of the terms “nationalism” and “coexistence.”
(4) To seek the cooperation of information organs in the task of combating and counteracting Communist propaganda.

APPENDIX I

DESIRABILITY OF STRENGTHENING INTER-AMERICAN COORDINATION AIMED AT THE MORE EFFECTIVE CONTROL OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE

I. Object of the Study

It is important for the purposes of this study to recall that communism, owing to its international character, does not act in an isolated manner in each country, but involves a network, regulated and conducted from a central point, which is revealed through connections that go beyond national boundaries. Consequently, any action taken locally by the governments against Communist subversion cannot be made more effective until there is close collaboration and cooperation among them.
It is of interest to note that in an attempt to protect themselves against the activities of organized crime, the various American countries cooperate with the International Police organization, “Interpol,” created to combat such activities. However, in the fight against communism—whose subversive activity is equally or more dangerous—the American countries have not yet adopted a coordinated action,

II. International Cooperation and Coordination

A. MEANS

In the fight against inter- national communism, the specific agencies are the security and intelligence services, which are generally regulated and coordinated by a central organ in charge of the overall action. Consequently, it is logical that these are the agencies that should cooperate with one another at an international level.

Unfortunately, these specialized agencies have not yet been created in some countries, while in others their structure and operation are deficient, thereby hampering seriously effective coordination among states.

B. METHODS
Some of the methods for achieving international cooperation in anti-Communist action are the following: bilateral, multilateral, and overall coordination.

The overall method assumes the participation of all the countries affected by the same problem, and in the case of the Americas this includes all the countries of the hemisphere. Generally, when this method is adopted it is advisable, in view of the number of entities that must be coordinated, to centralize the functions of the system under the direction of one organ that coordinates the technical and specialized services of each country.
In order to have a better understanding of the importance of this procedure, it should be remembered that communism succeeds in the world because, among other reasons, it is based on a centralized action, its strategy and tactics resulting from decisions taken at various congresses, meetings, and conferences that give rise to the directives that channel its activities.

An enemy that conducts itself in this manner can only be effectively combated by a coordinated front, in an overall manner, ranging from an exchange of information to planned joint action. Such a front has not yet been presented in the Americas owing to several factors, among which mention can be made of the countries’ zeal for their autonomy and their natural nationalistic sentiment.
At the present time action against the Communist danger cannot be delayed, and it is therefore necessary for the American countries to confront it and, as they have done in the case of socioeconomic and cultural problems, create the technical organ that is capable of providing overall coordination to anti-Communist action in the hemisphere.

III. The Organization of American States and the Communist Problem

The Organization of American States was created as the expression of a feeling of continental solidarity, in the understanding that the welfare of all the countries, as well as their contribution to the progress and the civilization of the world, would increasingly require “intensive continental cooperation” in order, as the Charter of the Organization states, “* * * to strengthen their collaboration, and to defend their sovereignty, their territorial integrity and their independence.”

V. The Organization of American States and Cooperation Among the Member States

The present status of cooperation among the American States in their fight against international communism is as follows:
1. The Organization of American States, at various inter- American conferences and meetings of consultation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs, has repeatedly made recommendations regarding the need for an exchange of information among the governments, as well as the need for them to furnish such information to the Council of the Organization.
2. There is some cooperation, both bilateral and multilateral, among certain governments.
3. It is desirable that such cooperation be extended to include all of the American countries.
4. Certain obstacles have been present, and still exist, to pre- vent a greater measure of cooperation up to now; but it is believed that these can be overcome by setting up a system for cooperation and coordination within the institutional framework of the Organization of American States.
5. The proper organizations in the various countries for establishing the necessary cooperation are the security and intelligence agencies specializing in anti-Communist action.

Application of Measures to the Present Government of Cuba

The said report establishes among its conclusions that “the Republic of Venezuela has been the target of a series of actions sponsored and directed by the Government of Cuba, openly intended to subvert Venezuelan institutions and to overthrow the democratic Government of Venezuela through terrorism, sabotage, assault, and guerrilla warfare,” and
That the aforementioned acts, like all acts of intervention and aggression, conflict with the principles and aims of the Inter-American system.

APPENDIX II
THE SINO-SOVIET CONFLICT AND ITS INFLUENCE ON COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE AMERICAS
CONTENTS
I. Object of the study.
II. Summary of background facts.
III. The Chinese Communists in America. A. Their general activities.
B. Influence of the conflict on certain Communist Parties in the Americas.
C. Considerations.
IV. Reflections on the effect of the conflict on international Communist
particularly subversive activities.
V. General conclusion.

I. Object of the Study

The development of the conflict, which has been commented on fully in various publications, has created a climate of optimism in certain parts of the West, including the Americas, that is promoting the advance of communism.

II. SUMMARY OF BACKGROUND FACTS

Russia recognizes that violent revolutions may be inevitable in certain situations, but at the same time it maintains that the revolutionary objectives may be achieved at less cost and with less risk if other tactics are used. To that end, it is skillfully exploiting so-called peaceful coexistence, along with constant agitation and infiltration in all spheres of activity of each country, as well as making constant efforts to strengthen the ranks of the Communist Parties and their effectiveness.

This does not by any means prevent the Soviet Union from carrying out its own clandestine campaign of violence in many countries to supplement the subversive activity being carried on by the “local” Communists in those countries.

For its part, China maintains that violence is the most effective, immediate procedure for establishing communism in the world, and, consequently, it urges the application of all the tactics of Communist struggle in accordance with that principle.

The specific criticism that Communist China aims at the policy of the Soviet Union may be summed up in two accusations:
(a) “Soviet flexibility” will, in the long run, deprive the Communists of the trust and determination needed for an effective revolutionary work; and
(b) Soviet policy oscillates dangerously and erratically between risky maneuvers and shameful withdrawals before the determination of the West.

President John F. Kennedy, in referring to the dispute between China and the Soviet Union, stated as follows:
“What comfort can we take from the increasing strains and tensions within the Communist bloc? Here hope must be tempered with caution. For the Soviet-Chinese disagreement is over means, not ends. A dispute over how to bury the West is no grounds for Western rejoicing.”

III. The Chinese Communists in America

A. THEIR GENERAL ACTIVITIES

In recent years, the Chinese Communists have been intensifying their independent operations in Latin America, gradually eliminating or replacing those efforts that had been initiated in cooperation with Moscow.

in 1963-64, Communist China has made progress in its efforts to increase trade with various countries. It has held trade fairs in several of them, and has set up commercial representatives in others. In this way it has even succeeded in establishing official relations with Latin American countries.

B. INFLUENCE OF THE CONFLICT ON CERTAIN COMMUNIST PARTIES IN THE AMERICAS

Support for the position of Communist China has grown within the Argentine Communist Party and, even though its sympathizers are not numerous there are various groups who favor it, among them:
Communist youth groups, who are considered very important, not because of their total number, but because they constitute the party’s reserve.
Infiltrated Trotskyites who support the Chinese policy in the present ideological dispute and are attempting to win over other dissident groups, in order to rise to higher positions within the party.

Venezuela

The Venezuelan Communist Party (PCV), which now has three divergent currents of opinion, began the policy it is now following at the end of 1960 when the Chinese-Soviet differences had just begun to affect other parties. The policy of armed conflict, which is being carried out through the National Liberation Front at the political level and the Armed Forces of National Liberation at the combat level, was adopted by the party at its third congress in 196L
Like certain other parties (the Indonesian and Vietnamese, for example), the PCV is concerned lest a widening of the Chinese-Soviet rift injure its revolutionary prospects, its local alliances, and its internal unity. Dedicated since 1961 to violent conflict, the PCV and its principal ally, the Revolutionary Leftist Movement (MIR) did not experience any serious internal problems until it became obvious that there was very little likelihood that their efforts to overthrow the Government would succeed.

the fundamental method of conducting the revolution in Venezuela continues to be armed conflict. The members of the party should be prepared to resume armed conflict whenever the conditions are favorable. This may be in “15daysor15years.” In the meantime, the bands of guerrillas in the rural areas will be reinforced, and their lines of communication improved.

It is significant that the PCV—the only party in Latin America that has refused to take a position on the Sino-Soviet dispute and that follows closely the attitude of the Castro Communists—has not thus far revealed any open internal splits or expulsions. Of equal importance is the evidence that the dissension and factional currents noted within the PCV and the MIR are caused by the urgent need to adopt new policies in view of the defeats suffered at the hands of the Venezuelan people and Government. Lastly, the case of Venezuela demonstrates that it would be an oversimplification to conclude that the pro-Soviet elements exclude armed conflict as an appropriate course of action, and that the pro-Chinese are dedicated to a policy of immediate armed action everywhere and at any time.

C. CONSIDERATIONS
The study of the effect of the Sino-Soviet conflict, especially among the members of the Communist Parties mentioned, leads us to the following considerations
1. The majority of the top leaders of the Communist Parties in the Latin American countries continue to favor the Soviet position.
2. The efforts of the pro-Chinese Communists to seize the leadership of the Communist political forces have been most successful in Ecuador, Peru, and Brazil.
3. Division and damage to unity within the Communist Parties have been most evident when the party leaders have taken sides in the dispute.
4. The Chinese argument that the violent revolutionary struggle is still the only realistic way to overthrow existing regimes has been widely accepted among young Communists and intellectuals.
5. The most convincing Chinese Communist arguments relating to the best means of preparing the groundwork for establishing the “dictatorship of the proletariat” are being used in a long- range effort within and against the Communist Parties to discredit and eliminate the pro-Soviet leaders of the Communist movement in Latin America and, ultimately, obtain the support of those parties for the Chinese viewpoint in the international movement.

In effect, the Soviet line, by opposing the Chinese Communist line in favor of the use of force, would appear to imply that Russia has renounced the use of force, whereas the truth is that Russian communism continues its efforts toward world domination regardless of methods. This is an aspect that favors communism politically, since in countries not politically and legally constituted so as to cope with the present world situation, Russia finds that its well-known policy of “united fronts” facilitates penetration.

We must consider that, in general, in Latin America there exists a socioeconomic situation whose deficiencies form substantially one of the basic aspects of the problem. The result of this situation is that there is a large mass of discontented people ready to accept any apparent solution of their problems, including the Communist solution, often presented in a “sugar coated” form, with a claim of obtaining better living conditions on the basis of an elementary, though erroneous, rationalization that any change will bring these people more favor- able living conditions. Considering both the Chinese and Russian formulas for obtaining solutions, the apparent road selected by Russia may be longer for them and, consequently, the Chinese line has already won over groups of opinion and action, as stated in the preceding chapter.

It is believed that this power struggle will create new factors of disturbance, especially in labor circles, where both groups will continue a competition characterized by revolutionary action, each one trying to demonstrate that it is capable of obtaining greater benefits and creating labor problems that, in the last analysis, have nothing to do with the workers and their true needs.

V. General Conclusion

in Latin America, the Special Consultative Committee on Security deems it advisable to state as a general conclusion that the dispute between China and the Soviet Union has not diminished the subversive activities of international communism in the Americas, but that, on the contrary, it has, and does, constitute, in many countries, a greater incentive for the use of methods of violence.

Activist Data from “Another Politics: Talking across Today’s Transformative Movements”

Another Politics: Talking Across Today’s Transformative Movements

Radical Organizations and Projects Cited

The Abolitionist: https://abolitionistpaper.wordpress.com
Al-Awda, the Palestine Right to Return Coalition: http://al-awda.org
Anarchists Against the Wall: http://awalls.org
Arab Resource and Organizing Center: http://araborganizing.org
Association pour une solidarité syndicale étudiante: http://www.asse-solidarite. qc.ca
Black Orchid Collective: http://blackorchidcollective.wordpress.com
Bloquez l’empire / Block the Empire: http://blocktheempire.blogspot.ca
Boycotts, Divestment, Sanctions: www.bdsmovement.net
Bring the Ruckus: http://bringtheruckus.org
Californians United for a Responsible Budget: http://curbprisonspending.org
Canadian Union of Postal Workers: www.cupw.ca
Catalyst Project: http://collectiveliberation.org
Coalition Against Israeli Apartheid: www.caiaweb.org
Coalition of Immokalee Workers: www.ciw-online.org
Colours of Resistance: www.coloursofresistance.org
Common Cause: www.linchpin.ca
Common Ground Collective: www.commongroundrelief.org
Common Struggle: commonstruggle.org
Courage to Resist: www.couragetoresist.org
Critical Resistance: http://criticalresistance.org
Decarcerate PA: http://decarceratepa.info
Direct Action to Stop the War: https://bayareadirectaction.wordpress.com
El Kilombo Intergaláctico: www.elkilombo.org
End the Prison Industrial Complex: http://epic.noblogs.org
Experimental Community Education of the Twin Cities: www.excotc.org
First of May Anarchist Alliance: http://m1aa.org
Food Not Bombs: www.foodnotbombs.net
Heads Up Collective: http://collectiveliberation.org/resources/heads-up-collective
Idle No More: http://idlenomore.ca
INCITE! Women of Color Against Violence: http://incite-national.org
Indigenous Peoples Solidarity Movement: http://ipsm.ca
Industrial Workers of the World: www.iww.org
Institute for Anarchist Studies: www.anarchist-studies.org
International Jewish Anti-Zionist Network: www.ijsn.net
International Solidarity Movement: http://palsolidarity.org
Iraq Veterans Against the War: www.ivaw.org
LA Garment Workers Center: http://garmentworkercenter.org
Left Turn: www.leftturn.org
Make/Shift: www.makeshiftmag.com
Miami Autonomy and Solidarity: http://miamiautonomyandsolidarity.word-press.com
Montréal-Nord Républik: http://montrealnordrepublik.blogspot.ca
Mujeres Unidas Y Activas: www.mujeresunidas.net
No One Is Illegal: www.nooneisillegal.org
Occupy Our Homes: http://occupyourhomes.org
Occupy Sandy: www.occupysandy.org
Ontario Coalition Against Poverty: www.ocap.ca
Organization for a Free Society: www.afreesociety.org
Peoples’ Global Action: www.nadir.org/nadir/initiativ/agp
Pittsburgh Organizing Group: www.steelcityrevolt.org
Project South: www.projectsouth.org
Public Interest Research Groups (Canada): www.pirg.ca
Purple Thistle Centre: www.purplethistle.ca
Queers for Economic Justice: www.q4ej.org
Queers Undermining Israeli Terrorism: http://quitpalestine.org
Regeneración Childcare: http://childcarenyc.org
Repeal Coalition: www.repealcoalition.org
Rising Tide North America: www.risingtidenorthamerica.org
Rock Dove Collective: www.rockdovecollective.org
San Francisco Community Land Trust: www.sfclt.org
Seattle Solidarity Network: www.seattlesolidarity.net
Solidarity Across Borders: www.solidarityacrossborders.org
Solidarity and Defense: http://solidarityanddefense.blogspot.com
Strike Debt: http://strikedebt.org
Students for a Democratic Society (new): www.newsds.org
Student/Farmworker Alliance: www.sfalliance.org
Sudbury Coalition Against Poverty: http://sudburycap.com
Sylvia Rivera Law Project: http://srlp.org
Tadamon!: www.tadamon.ca
Take Back the Land: www.takebacktheland.org
2640: www.redemmas.org/2640
United Students Against Sweatshops: http://usas.org
Upping the Anti: http://uppingtheanti.org
War Resisters Support Campaign: www.resisters.ca
Women’s Health and Justice Initiative: www.whji.org
Workers Solidarity Alliance: http://workersolidarity.org
Young Workers United: www.youngworkersunited.org

Biographies of Interviewees

Sarita Ahooja is a grassroots anti-capitalist organizer in Montreal. Over the past two decades she has been active in self-determination liberation struggles including Indigenous solidarity, anti-police brutality, and migrant justice movements. She is a founding member of La convergence des luttes anti-capitalistes, No One is Illegal-Montreal, and Solidarity Across Borders.

Ashanti Alston is an anarchist activist, speaker, writer, former member of the Black Panther Party (BPP) and the Black Liberation Army (BLA), and former political prisoner. He joined the BPP while still in high school, starting a chapter in Plainfield, New Jersey, and later going underground with the BLA. In 1974, he was involved in a Connecticut “bank expropriation,” and was captured and imprisoned for more than twelve years. Ashanti has worked as an organizer with Estacion Libre to support the Zapatistas, Critical Resistance, and the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement. Today, he is active in the National Jericho Movement and Anarchist People of Color organizing. He lives with his wife Viviane Saleh-Hanna and two children, Biko and Yasmeen, in Providence, Rhode Island.

Clare Bayard was raised in a military family and came up in queer and feminist activism as a teenager. Clare got involved in anarchist organizing in the late 1990s, working locally on issues of homelessness and displacement, and internationally against war and global capitalism. Through the Catalyst Project, the War Resisters League, and the War Resisters International network, Clare organizes for demilitarization and racial justice, with a particular focus on migrant justice, Palestine self-determination, and G.I. resistance.

Jill Chettiar spent many of her formative years working as an organizer in Vancouver. She is currently working in public health research, parenting two young daughters, and going to school full time.

Rosana Cruz is the associate director of V.O.T.E., a grassroots membership- based organization of formerly incarcerated persons that builds political and economic power with the people most impacted by the criminal justice system in New Orleans. Previously, Rosana worked for a diverse range of community organizations, including Safe Streets/Strong Communities, the National Immigration Law Center, the New Orleans Worker Center for Racial Justice, Hispanic Apostolate, the Lesbian and Gay Community Center of New Orleans, People’s Youth Freedom School, and the Southern Regional Office of Amnesty International in Atlanta.

Mike D is an organizer with the Ontario Coalition Against Poverty in Toronto.

Rayan El-Amine is a former editor and founding member of Left Turn Magazine and a former San Francisco Bay Area Arab community organizer. He currently resides in Lebanon, where he works at American University of Beirut and teaches at Lebanese American University.

Francesca Fiorentini is an independent journalist and comedian based in Argentina. A former coeditor ofLeft Turn Magazine and WIN, the magazine of the War Resisters League, she is presently a regular contributor and member of the online anti-militarist publication War Times. She is also the creator of the YouTube comedy vlog Laugh to Not Cry.

Mary Foster is a community organizer in Montreal who has worked with initiatives such as Block the Empire, Iraq Solidarity Project, Solidarity Across Borders, Tadamon!, and the People’s Commission Network.

Harjit Singh Gill is a South Asian American activist living in Oakland and a board member of the Institute for Anarchist Studies. He holds advanced degrees in humanities and social work. His work focuses on providing clinical support for low-income people in the Bay Area and is informed by a commitment to anti-imperialist, feminist, and queer-positive perspectives toward collective liberation. Harjit is a Unitarian Universalist, and is deeply committed to a vegan and straight-edge lifestyle.

Tatiana Gomez has been active on labor and migration issues for over ten years. Currently, she is a community-based lawyer in Montreal.

Harjap Grewal organizes in Vancouver, Coast Salish Territories, working within movements against immigration controls, in solidarity with Indigenous struggles, for environmental justice, and to promote anti-capitalist resistance. While he has been a part of various spaces and communities, his work has pre- dominantly been with the No One Is Illegal-Vancouver collective.

Stephanie Guilloud is the codirector at Project South: Institute for the Elimination of Poverty and Genocide, based in Atlanta, Georgia. An organizer with over seventeen years of experience, Stephanie was a lead local organizer in the Seattle World Trade Organization shutdown in 1999 and edited and designed Voices from the WTO, an anthology of first-hand narratives from the participants in the historic demonstrations. Her essays have been published in Letters from Young Activists (Nation Books) and The Revolution Will Not be Funded (South End Press). Since 2005, she has served on the board of Southerners On New Ground (SONG), a multiracial queer organization building power for racial and economic justice.

Rachel Herzing is a member of Critical Resistance, a national grassroots organization dedicated to abolishing the prison industrial complex.

Helen Hudson is a queer Black anti-authoritarian organizer living in Montreal. For close to two decades, she has been actively involved in immigration struggles; prisoner justice; queer, trans, and feminist struggles; and student organizing. She spent four years working as the coordinator of QPIRG Concordia, an activist resource center at Concordia University that serves as a central hub for student and community activists in Montreal. A former board member of the Institute for Anarchist Studies, Helen currently is a member of the Montreal Anarchist Bookfair collective and the Certain Days: Freedom for Political Prisoner Calendar collective. She is also a mother and a nurse.

Pauline Hwang was active in youth, immigrant, worker, tenant, and Indigenous solidarity organizing for many years. She has more recently focused on meditation, traditional Chinese medicine, and creativity. Pauline intends to bridge radical organizing with personal and community healing, and be part of a revolution that connects us back to our bodies, our ancestors, the Earth, and each other.

Rahula Janowski grew up white and working class in a rural New England community. She came of age politically in the 1990s in the West Coast anarchist community/movement. She lives in queer, radical left community in San Francisco, where she engages in political work including taking arrest at direct actions against war, supporting the development of younger white anti-racist activists and organizers, Palestine solidarity work, and organizing with other parents (most of whom know she is an anarchist) in her child’s school.

Tynan Jarrett is a Montreal-based community organizer and activist. His work has revolved primarily around queer and trans youth, and political prisoners. Some projects he has been involved in include the Trans Health Network, a coalition of groups working for better access to health care services for trans- gender, transsexual, and gender-variant people in Montreal and Quebec, and the Certain Days: Freedom for Political Prisoners Calendar.

Sharmeen Khan became an activist with socialist and activist media organizations in Regina, Saskatchewan. She has organized in women’s centers, transit justice organizations, and community radio stations in Victoria and Vancouver. She moved to Toronto in 2005 where she finished a masters degree in communication and culture and worked in community radio and the PIRG circuit. She currently works at CUPE 3903, is on the board of the Media Co-op, and edits Upping the Anti: A Journal of Theory and Action.

Brooke Lehman has been active as an educator and organizer in New York City since the mid-1980s. She was a founding member of the Direct Action Network and of Bluestockings Bookstore. Brooke is currently the codirector of the Watershed Center, an educational center in upstate New York, where she leads seminars and retreats on designing healthy democratic organizations. She also serves as a faculty member of the Institute for Social Ecology, and as a board member for smartMeme and the Yansa Foundation.

RJ Maccani, based in New York City, has played many different roles in the struggle for a better world over the past fifteen years. As a cofounder and organizer with the Challenging Male Supremacy Project and a leadership team member for generationFIVE, his work focuses on building transformative jus- tice responses to violence against women, queer and trans people, and children. RJ is a generative somatics practitioner and pays the bills as coleader and com- munity programs producer for the Foundry Theatre.

Andréa Maria began organizing with Montreal’s Anti-Capitalist Convergence more than a decade ago, then worked as an ally to migrant justice struggles with No One Is Illegal-Montreal. Since then, she has worked with a range of anti-authoritarian collectives, international solidarity projects, and anti-poverty organizations in both Montreal and Toronto. Now a journalist, she continues to be student of resistance movements, learning about politics, strategy, and tactics from many angles and many sides.

Pilar Maschi is a survivor, former prisoner, mother, anarchist, and prison industrial complex abolitionist. Formerly the national membership and leader- ship development director of Critical Resistance, Pilar is currently a member of All of Us or None and Anarchist People of Color. She is also an alumna of the New Voices fellowship program and a founding member of Community in Unity. She lives in New York City.

Sonya Z. Mehta is a recent graduate of the City University of New York School of Law. She was first an organizer, then codirector, at Young Workers United San Francisco, a workers’ center of young and immigrant service-sector workers and students. YWU passed the first paid sick leave law in the country, improved conditions at work, won $4.5 million in backpay for employment law violations, and built community solidarity and leadership.

Amy Miller is a media maker and social justice organizer based in Montreal. She directed the featurette documentary Myths for Profit: Canada’s Role in Industries of War and Peace, which was screened extensively across Canada and at festivals. She has worked with The Dominion and the Media Co-op as both a writer and editor. She continues to focus on developing critical documentaries for transformative social change.

Rafael a. Mutis Garcia is an immigrant from Colombia living in the United States. He has worked in community and academic settings across the United States in defense of poor communities of color, immigrant communities, women, and LGBTQ folks, as well as in Nicaragua, Mexico, Colombia, the Dominican Republic, and Haiti. A popular educator between 1994–2006 in the Escuela Popular Norteña, an organizer with Critical Resistance NYC between 2003–2008, and with Anarchist People of Color since 2003, currently Rafael does food justice work through the Morning Glory Garden in the Bronx. He is completing a doctorate in earth and environmental sciences focusing on geography at the CUNY Graduate Center. His research is an ethnobotany project with Afro and Indigenous communities in Colombia.

Michelle O’Brien is an organizer and scholar living in Brooklyn. Much of her fifteen years of social justice activism has been within the U.S. communities hardest hit by HIV and AIDS. She writes on revolutionary strategy, the politics of social services, and the nonprofit industrial complex. Currently, Michelle organizes with Power for Rank and File Employees in the Social Services, a project to support union struggles at New York City’s nonprofit social service agencies. She is a graduate student in sociology at New York University.

Adriana Paz is a Bolivian born and raised community organizer, social researcher and popular educator with over ten years of experience working on social justice, labor and (im)migrant rights. She has a background as a community radio broadcaster, columnist for Latin American newspapers, and contributor to online magazines in Canada. Adriana is founding member and organizer of Justicia for Migrant Workers in B.C., a grassroots national organization advocating for migrant farm workers’ social, economic, and labor rights. She has participated in research studies and written about migrant farmworkers on the borders of Bolivia/Argentina, Mexico, and Canada. She just completed her Masters degree at the University of British Columbia, focusing on transnational labor migration and transnational organizing models for migrant farmworkers in North America.

Lydia Pelot-Hobbs is a facilitator, organizer, writer, and activist-scholar living between New York City and New Orleans. She was originally politicized through the Unitarian Universalist youth movement as a teenager. Over the past ten years, Lydia has been involved in organizing against prisons and policing, supporting affordable housing struggles in New Orleans, and strengthening solidarity economies. She is also a cofounder of the Anti-Oppression Resource and Training Alliance (AORTA).

Leila Pourtavaf has organized with a number of Montreal-based migrant justice and radical queer groups including No One Is Illegal, Solidarity Across Borders, the Anti-Capitalist Asspirates, and Qteam. She is currently pursuing a doctorate in history at the University of Toronto.

Paula Ximena Rojas-Urrutia has twenty-one years of experience working as a community organizer. Born in Chile and raised in Houston, she spent thirteen years as an organizer in Brooklyn. Her experiences working for social justice nonprofit organizations led her to cofound various community organizations focused on issues affecting young and adult women of color, including Sista II Sista, Pachamama, and Community Birthing Project. Paula’s organizing work and life experience have drawn her to work at the intersections of welfare injustice and women of color, midwifery and local grassroots organizing. In addition, she has supported and amplified local work, as a national board member and trainer for INCITE! She is currently living in Austin, Tejas, continuing to work collectively with other women of color to model a more just and loving world. She is a doula, apprentice midwife, self-defense teacher, mother of two, and an advisor to Mamas of Color Rising.

Joshua Kahn Russell is an organizer working to bridge movements for eco- logical balance and racial justice. He is a strategy, organizing, and nonviolent direct action trainer with the Ruckus Society, and coauthor of Organizing Cools the Planet (PM Press). You can keep up with him at www.praxismakesperfect.org.

Sophie Schoen is a community organizer based in Montreal. She was an active member of Association pour une solidarité syndicale étudiante from 2003 to 2008.

Mac Scott is an anarchist who does legal work in Toronto (go figure). He is also a member of the Ontario Coalition Against Poverty and No One Is Illegal- Toronto. When he’s not fighting against the man, he enjoys his collective house, his family, beer, and bad suits, not necessarily in that order.

Jaggi Singh is a community organizer and anarchist based in Montreal whose work focuses on indigenous solidarity, migrant justice and anti-capitalist struggles, as well as community-based popular education. He has helped to initiate and continues to be active with several local campaigns, initiatives, and groups, including the Anti-Capitalist Convergence, No One Is Illegal, Solidarity Across Borders, the Indigenous Solidarity Committee, and the Montreal Anarchist Bookfair.

David Solnit has been a mass direct action organizer for over three decades in global justice, anti-war, environmental justice, climate justice, and solidarity movements in North America, including the mass direct action shutdowns of the Seattle WTO in 1999 and the San Francisco Financial District on March 30, 2003, the day after the United States invaded Iraq. He is a trainer, an arts organizer, a puppeteer, and editor/coauthor of Globalize Liberation (City Lights), Army of None (Seven Stories), and The Battle of the Story of the Battle of Seattle (AK Press). He lives in San Francisco.

Mick Sweetman is the managing editor of The Dialog newspaper at George Brown College and a labor and community journalist. His articles and photos have also been published in Alternet, Basics, Canadian Dimension, Clamor, Industrial Worker, Linchpin, Media Co-op, rabble.ca, and ZNet. He calls Toronto home and is unabashedly a supporter of Toronto FC.

James Tracy is the coauthor of Hillbilly Nationalists, Urban Race Rebels, and Black Power: Community Organizing in Radical Times (Melville House Publishers). Based in San Francisco, he is a longtime organizer active in housing and economic justice work.

Harsha Walia is a South Asian activist and writer currently based in Vancouver, Coast Salish Territories. For the past decade she has been active in migrant justice, anti-racist, feminist, Palestine solidarity, Indigenous sovereignty, anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist, and anti-poverty movements. She is involved in No One Is Illegal, Radical Desis, Defenders of the Land, Women’s Committee for Missing and Murdered Women, and works as a frontline anti- violence worker and legal advocate in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside. She is also a writer, with work in numerous publications and anthologies. Her most recent book is Undoing Border Imperialism (AK Press).

Marika Warner is a black/mixed race actor, writer, and anarchist based in Toronto. She has been active with anti-capitalist, anti-racist, and anti-poverty organizations in Winnipeg, Edmonton, and Toronto. Most of her organizing work has focused on violence against women and prison abolition.

Jennifer Whitney has been a healthcare worker and organizer in New Orleans, since the levees broke and flooded the city in 2005. Prior to that, she worked with global justice coalitions in Seattle, Prague, Quebec City, Cancun, Edinburgh, Mexico City, and elsewhere to disrupt summit meetings of transnational power brokers, and also to help bring about effective, creative alternatives. She is a coauthor of We Are Everywhere, has published extensively on Latin American social movements, and continues to write about and work at the intersection of health, justice, art, dignity, ecology, and liberation.

Ora Wise cofounded the Palestine Education Project and coproduced Slingshot Hip Hop, a grassroots documentary about hip-hop in Palestine which premiered at the Sundance Film Festival in January 2008. Ora is the youth education director at an independent synagogue in Brooklyn and is the curriculum specialist for Detroit Future Media, an intensive program that trains people to use media for a more just, creative, and collaborative city. Ora maintains the- bigceci.wordpress.com, a space dedicated to elevating our consciousness about what we eat by sharing stories and resources, supporting the creation of alternatives to the industrial food system, and indulging in the sensuality and wisdom of the culinary arts.

 

Author Chris Dixon’s Presentation on the Project

In the interview he describes himself as a “deprofessionalized academic”. He describes this as meaning he got a PhD not as someone who wanted to stay within the academic field, but to support the movements he was a participant in.

Raw Data from The Making of a Dream: How a Group of Young Undocumented Immigrants Helped Change what it means to be American

The Making of a Dream: How a Group of Young Undocumented Immigrants Helped Change what it means to be American by Laura Wides-Muñoz covers a group of people that had illegally immigrated to the United States and their political activism to become regularized.

MAIN CHARACTERS

HARETH ANDRADE-AYALA, came to the United States from Bolivia at age eight in 2001.
BETTY AYALA, Hareth’s mother.
MARIO ANDRADE, Hareth’s father, husband of Betty Ayala.
ELIANA ANDRADE, Hareth’s aunt and Mario Andrade’s sister.”

“HAZIEL ANDRADE-AYALA, Mario and Betty’s second daughter, came to United States with Hareth at three.
CLAUDIA ANDRADE-AYALA, Mario and Betty’s youngest daughter, the only one born in the United States.

DARIO GUERRERO MENESES, came to the United States from Mexico with his parents at age two in 1995.
DARIO GUERRERO SR., Dario’s father.
ROCIO MENESES, Dario’s mother and wife of Dario Guerrero Sr.
FERNANDO GUERRERO MENESES, Dario’s younger brother, born in the United States.
ANDREA GUERRERO MENESES, Dario’s younger sister, born in the United States and the baby of the family.
ALEX C. BOOTA, Dario’s freshman roommate.
FELIPE SOUSA-RODRIGUEZ (FELIPE MATOS SOUSA), came to the United States from Brazil at age fourteen in 2001.
ISABEL SOUSA-RODRIGUEZ, Felipe’s spouse, came to the United States from Colombia at age six.
FRANCISCA SOUSA MATOS, Felipe’s mother.
CAROLINA SOUSA, Felipe’s older sister.*
JUAN RODRIGUEZ SR., Isabel’s father.

MARIE (GONZALEZ) DEEL, came to the United States from Costa Rica at age five with her parents in 1991.
MARINA MORALES MORENO, Marie’s mother.
MARVIN GONZALEZ, Marie’s father, married to Marina Morales Moreno.
CHAPIN DEEL, Marie’s husband.
ARACELI DEEL, Marie’s first daughter.
LORENA DEEL, Marie’s youngest daughter.

“ALEX” ALDANA, came to the[…] United States from Mexico with his family at age sixteen in 2003.
LAURA MORALES, Alex’s mother.
CARLOS ALDANA, Alex’s older brother.

YOUNG IMMIGRANT LEADERS

MOHAMMAD ABDOLLAHI, early member of United We Dream, split off to found the National Immigrant Youth Alliance, also with Dream Activist.

ERIKA ANDIOLA, Our Revolution political director, worked on Senator Bernie Sanders’s presidential campaign and for United We Dream, Arizona activist.

WALTER BARRIENTOS, lead organizer at Make the Road New York and political director for MTRNY Action Fund, early United We Dream leader.”

“JULIETA GARIBAY, founding member and United We Dream Texas director.

JU HONG, former Los Angeles–based leader of the National Asian American and Pacific Islander DACA Collaborative.

GREISA MARTINEZ, advocacy director for United We Dream, based in Washington, DC.

CRISTINA JIMÉNEZ MORETA, cofounder, executive director of United We Dream.

MARIA GABRIELA “GABY” PACHECO, program director at thedream .us, former political director for United We Dream. She walked the “Trail of Dreams” from Miami to Washington with Felipe, based in Miami.

CARLOS A. ROA JR., immigrant youth activist turned aspiring Chicago architect, also walked the “Trail of Dreams.”

CARLOS SAAVEDRA, cofounder of United We Dream, Boston activist, went on to work at the immigrant rights group Movimiento Cosecha.

ASTRID SILVA, cofounder of Nevada-based immigrant advocacy group DREAM Big Vegas, spoke in prime time at Democratic National Convention in 2016.

TANIA UNZUETA, legal and policy director for Mijente, Chicago-based early immigrant youth leader.”

ORGANIZATIONS

AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR AND CONGRESS OF INDUSTRIAL ORGANIZATIONS, AFL-CIO, nation’s largest labor union, with more than 12 million members.
AMERICANS FOR IMMIGRANT JUSTICE (FLORIDA IMMIGRANT ADVOCACY CENTER, FIAC), immigrant advocacy, litigation, and legal service organization.
AMERICA’S VOICE, unofficial communications arm of the immigrant rights and reform movement.
CENTER FOR COMMUNITY CHANGE, CCC, founded in 1968 to carry on the legacy of Robert F. Kennedy and to develop community organization and change.
COALITION FOR HUMANE IMMIGRANT RIGHTS, CHIRLA, California-based immigrant advocacy group.
DREAMACTIVIST, originally an online site to connect immigrant youth, later served as a springboard for anti-deportation and other activist campaigns.
FLORIDA IMMIGRANT COALITION, FLIC, statewide alliance of more than sixty-five immigrant advocacy groups, created by Florida Immigrant Advocacy Center.
MAKE THE ROAD NEW YORK, seeks to strengthen Latino and working-class communities through organizing and policy innovation, education, and survival services.
MIJENTE, a national “Latinx” and “Chicanx” civil rights group founded in 2015 that focuses on issues facing low-income communities, including, but not limited to, immigration.
MINUTEMAN PROJECT, founded in 2004, sought to independently monitor the border in response to what it viewed as lack of action by the Department of[…] Homeland Security.

MOVIEMIENTO COSECHA, decentralized immigrant rights group founded in 2015, focused on peaceful, “non-cooperation” techniques like work-stoppages to highlight national reliance on immigrant labor.

NATIONAL IMMIGRATION FORUM, national immigration policy group that in recent years has focused on reaching out to business, law enforcement, and religious groups.

NATIONAL IMMIGRATION LAW CENTER, NILC, defends the rights of immigrants with low incomes.

NATIONAL YOUTH IMMIGRANT ALLIANCE, NIYA, immigrant youth-led organization that splintered off from United We Dream and reached its peak in 2012–2013 with mass actions at the border.

SERVICE EMPLOYEES INTERNATIONAL UNION, SEIU, represents some 2 million service workers.

STUDENTS WORKING FOR EQUAL RIGHTS, SWER, Florida immigrant youth-led social justice group supported by FLIC.

UNIDOSUS (NATIONAL COUNCIL OF LA RAZA, NCLR), one of the largest Latino advocacy groups in the United States.

UNITED WE DREAM, UWD, largest immigrant youth-led network in the nation, with affiliates in twenty-six states.

ADVOCATES

JOSH BERNSTEIN, attorney for SEIU, formerly NILC.

DEEPAK BHARGAVA, head of the CCC.

IRA KURZBAN, Miami immigration attorney, authored one of the nation’s top immigration law sourcebooks.

CHERYL LITTLE, founded Americans for Immigrant Justice, formerly FIAC.

JOSE LUIS MARANTES, worked at FLIC, the CCC, and UWD, early mentor to Felipe.
CECILIA MUÑOZ, NCLR policy advocate, later served as adviser to former president Barack Obama.

ALI NOORANI, head of the National Immigration Forum.

ESTHER OLAVARRIA, worked at FIAC, later served as legislative aide to Senator Ted Kennedy and as policy adviser for DHS.

MARIA RODRIGUEZ, head of FLIC.

ANGELICA SALAS, head of CHIRLA.

FRANK SHARRY, head of America’s Voice, previously led the National Immigration Forum.”

KEY LAWMAKERS

Senate
RICHARD “DICK” DURBIN, D-Illinois
WILLIAM “BILL” FRIST, R-Tennessee (Senate Majority Leader, 2003–2007)
LINDSEY GRAHAM, R-South Carolina
ORRIN HATCH, R-Utah
EDWARD “TED” KENNEDY, D-Massachusetts
JOHN McCAIN, R-Arizona
HARRY REID, D-Nevada, (Senate Majority Leader, 2007–2015)
JEFF SESSIONS, R-Alabama (current Attorney General of the United States)

House
HOWARD BERMAN, D-California
JOHN BOEHNER, R-Ohio (Speaker of the House, 2011–2015)
CHRIS CANNON, R-Utah
LINCOLN DÍAZ-BALART, R-Florida
MARIO DÍAZ-BALART, R-Florida, younger brother of Lincoln
LUIS GUTIÉRREZ, D-Illinois
JAMES “JIM” KOLBE, R-Arizona
NANCY PELOSI, D-California (Speaker of the House, 2007–2011)
ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, R-Florida