Notes on “From Skills and Competencies to Outcome-based Collaborative Work: Tracking a Decade’s Development of Personal Knowledge Management (PKM) Models”

From Skills and Competencies to Outcome-based Collaborative Work: Tracking a Decade’s Development of Personal Knowledge Management (PKM) Models

by Ricky K. F. Cheong and Eric Tsui

Abstract

In the area of knowledge management, existing and past research has tended to focus on the enterprise level. The topic of personal knowledge management (PKM) has only seen growth recently although PKM is not new, as our ancestors sought ways to learn better and to improve their knowledge. However, there are very little empirical researches, or significant conceptual development has been done with PKM, and there is lacking paper to evaluate the previous PKM literatures. This paper aims to provide a critical review of the published literature related to PKM and the PKM models. From the previous literatures, it is clear that PKM is playing an important role at indi- vidual, organization, and social level. PKM has evolved from mere individual activities to something that are more outcome/impact oriented; from information handling skills to personal competencies, sense making, and self- reflection; from individual focused to a community and social collaborative focused. A new PKM model is developed based on the recent research done by the authors. There are four core components in this new PKM model, namely personal information management, personal knowledge internalization, personal wisdom creation, and interpersonal knowledge transferring. At the end of this paper, the Web 2.0-based PKM tools was evaluated and important roles were identified to facilitate the practicing of PKM.

The charts showing various forms of knowledge managment practices speak for themselves.

Notes on Collaborative Knowledge Management

Collaborative Knowledge Management

in Journal of Fundamental and Applied Science

by Manal Abdullah, Monirah Almalki, and Hanaa Blahmer

Faculty of Computing and Information Technology, King Abdul-Aziz University, Jeddah, SA

Abstract– Knowledge plays a critical role in organizational resources that enables organizations to gain a competitive advantage. In the today world, the organizations need to investigate new solutions to remain ahead of the competition. Therefore, organizations endeavor to face the challenges by using technologies to enable an efficient management of the e-collaboration and knowledge management. Many models and techniques have been discussed over years for e-collaboration and knowledge management within organizations. Current changes in Information, and Communication Technology (ICT) have prompted organizations to utilize platforms such as corporate portals for collaborative know ledge sharing. This paper introduces an overview of Knowledge Management (KM) and e-collaboration for the enterprise to gain advantage. The paper is appended by a case study of an organization where it applies KM and e-collaboration to cover the business needs and to improve management of enterprise content with collaboration of knowledge. The organizational structures and processes, standards and values are still the main areas that limit the effectiveness of e-collaboration. This requires changing the organizational focus and culture that remains a challenge for many organizations.

Keywords – Collaboration, E-collaboration, Knowledge Management (KM), Collaborative Knowledge Management Models, Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs).

DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/jfas.v10i4s.93

Collaborative Knowledge Management Images

Collaborative Knowledge Management Notes

The organizational structures and processes, standards and values are still the main areas that limit the effectiveness of e-collaboration. This requires changing the organizational focus and culture that remains a challenge for many organizations.

workers inside the organization in today’s economy, who exercise a lot of decisions working on knowledge intensive tasks are very different from the previous generation of employees in the office. The previous generation of employees typically are being trained to perform a particular piece of the task and in a highly repetitive way; no longer the case in the knowledge era, these workers have to work collaboratively, innovatively and often have to make quality and consistent decisions.

sharing knowledge between different units inside the organization will shorten product development cycle and lower risk.

The role of information technology and communications is to encourage workers create, store, use, and exchange of knowledge through common platforms.

Organizational structures and processes, standards and values are still key areas that limit the effectiveness of electronic collaboration, however, groups of individuals, organizations and individuals include the justification to collaborate with colleagues within and across organizations still need to be addressed.

According to Xiaomi, “Knowledge Mangement is about the identification, creation, distribution, utilization and maintenance of organizational knowledge for fulfilling organizational objectives.” Successfully managing organizational knowledge becomes increasingly important for organizations to gain competitive advantages

KNOWLEDGE MANGEMENT is increasingly gaining recognition as the determinant for improving the performance, competitive advantages and innovation

Organizations can generate competitive advantage if they know how to find, collect and harness common knowledge in business. Moreover, knowledge is often considered to be one of the most important factors of enabling better and quick decision-making. The most value from organization’s intellectual assets knowledge must be shared and served as foundation for collaboration. Moreover, improvement revenues by getting products and services to market faster, enhance employee holding rates

Seven key factors were identified to be knowledge management success. These factors include strong relation to business, perspective, and mandatory architecture, knowledge leadership, the culture of creating and sharing knowledge, continuous learning, and developed technology infrastructure, systematic organizational knowledge process

Knowledge management is a set of processes or stages that organizations execute sequentially.

Group Decision Support System (GDSS). GDSS is defined as a computer- based framework which is used to help the cooperative group work. GDSS is typically used in meeting related of the decision-making DM, so it is not necessary to have the decision makers at the same time and place.

There are four key features of collaborative Knowledge management:

scope knowledge

orientation knowledge

evolution knowledge quality

decentralization knowledge.

First, the scope knowledge explains the focus of an e-collaboration system. Second, the orientation knowledge attribute depends on the exploration vs. exploitation dichotomy. Third, the evolution knowledge quality displays the proper development of an e- collaboration system. Fourth, the decentralization knowledge attribute concerns the way an e-collaboration system gives access to its pool of knowledge resources.

Collaboration requires mechanisms for intra- and inter-organizational communication.

understanding differences in thinking are at least as important as understanding technical factors in communication.

The differences of using language, goals, cognitive views, frames of reference, and organizational pressures all contribute to communication difficulties and lack of trust in collaboration.

Trust forms a vital component in bringing together the orientations of communication, collaborative practice, and community within communities of practice

The ideal enterprise information system should be single point of access to one source of information. Otherwise, employees may be forgetting or ignoring relevant information sources.

strengthens the capacity of XYZ as a knowledge-based institution. Its parts involve: First, enabling Environment by implement policies and institutional arrangements. Second, implementation of KM platform and associated business processes that enable staff, also external partners and stakeholders. Third, package knowledge products and services in appropriate formats and diffuse these through different channels. Fourth, improve the creation, application, and reuse of knowledge through various modalities.

 

 

Differentiating CastroChavismo from Cultural Marxism and the Frankfurt School

Cultural Marxism

Cultural Marxism is associated with the Institute of Social Research and is often referred to as the Frankfurt School as it was first housed at the Goethe University in Frankfurt, Germany.

Seminal authors in this field include:

Antonio Gramsci
Eric Fromm
György Lukács
Herbert Marcuse
Jürgen Habermas
Karl Korsch
Max Horkheimer
Theodor Adorno
Walter Benjamin

For a brief primer on the evolution of Marxist discourse from an economic to a cultural focus, I recommend reading: In the Tracks of Historical Materialismand Considerations on Western Marxism by Perry Anderson.

For a brief primer on the transmutation of Marxist discourse into post-structuralist and postmodernist subjects of inquiry, I recommend reading Logics of Disintegration: Poststructuralist Thought and the Claims of Critical Theory by Peter Dews.

Castrochavismo

Castrochavismo is not associated with any particular research institution.

Seminal authors in this field include:

Alain Badiou
Angela Davis
Antonio Negri
Arundhati Roy
Boaventura de Sousa Santos
Brian Dingledine
Chico Whitaker
David Graeber
Eduardo Galeano
Enrique Dussel
Immanuel Wallerstein
João Pedro Stedile
Mark Fisher
Manuel Castells
Michael Alpert
Michael Hardt
Michel Foucault
Naomi Klein
Noam Chomsky
Richard Wolff
Slavoj Žižek
Subcommandante Marcos
Tariq Ali
Vijay Prashad
Walden Bello

For a very brief primer on it’s evolution recommend Constructing the ‘Anti-Globalization’ Movement by Catherine Eschle.

For a longer primer on the evolution of anti-globalization authors and activists, I recommend reading The World Social Forum: Challenging Empires.

English Translation of “Afroepistemology and Cimarron Pedagogy”

Jesus “Chucho” Garcia

Afroepistemology & Cimmaron Pedagogy

by Jesús Chucho García

from the book Afrodescendencias: Voces en Resistencia

EUROPEAN NEGATION OF THE AFROSUBSAHARIAN PHILOSOPHY AND KNOWLEDGE 

When Eurocentrism emerges it’s as a hegemonic political-ideological axis of domination, it does so on the basis of depreciation for the “others” peoples of the world, for totally economic purposes. And behind that, the disqualification of religious, intellectual and biological arguments. Institutions such as the Catholic Church, with blood and fire, impose on that “other world” the “Catholic” god, and for their part, the scientific communities of the time would see others – African beings – as the missing links among the monkeys or gorillas and the “humans.” Together, the religious and the scientific, become complicit in the emergence of a perspective of Eurocentric knowledge that would lead to a philosophy of contempt.

That philosophy of contempt became “Eurocentrism” and from there it developed into “universalism.” The “classic” Eurocentric arises as a result of geo-euro-narcissism. In short, the world began to revolve around Western Eurocentric hegemony.

In the 18th century with the most advanced intellectuals of Western Euro-geo-narcissism that philosophical essays appeared to justify thoughts that are unique, universal and vertical and to impose their Eurocentric knowledge and philosophy as an absolute truth that continues to endure to this day.

The time of the industrial revolution is the time of the consolidation of capitalism, the rise of the great European powers, where a discussion scenario will be created that will include the existence or not of God, the questioning of feudalism and its different modalities and the concept of the power of the reigns prolonged in the transfer of power to their descendants.

From that century, the prevailing vertical government models and their economic models for intensive exploitation purposes would arise not only for human beings but also for the sensitive planetary ecosystem. Reviewing the bibliography of that century is extremely important since it is from there that a form of thought would be built that will come to dominate the different European philosophical currents and its projection into conquered and colonized countries in sub-Saharan Africa and the so-called “Latin” America and the Caribbean which stripped them of the different ways of thinking and knowing the world.

In his extraordinary book Laurente Estéve (2002), criticizes these avant-garde thinkers of the 18th century. Estéve tells us that Montesquieu in his book “The spirit of the laws”, among other things, affirmed that: “most of the peoples of the Coast of Africa are wild or barbaric. They don’t have industries, they don’t have a point for art, they have precious metals in abundance that they get from the hands of nature. (Laurent, 2002: 162)

This vision about the “others” kind of the men would influenced the thinking of the independence heroes of the Americas, who spoke of the “lights”, failed to illuminate the Africans way of thinking and instead simplified it via obscurantism as “savagery”

This idea remained in Europe until the end of the 18th century, supported by Jean Jaques Rousseau, who believed in the improvement of human races through climate and education, believing that savages and orangutans could learn to speak and were able to reach the intelligence and science only with which they were granted. (Harris, 1982: 70-71)

The great philosophers like Kant (1982), Hegel, Hume and Voltaire would add to the construction of the philosophy of contempt. Immanuel Kant refers in his theoretical classics the following:

In the torrid countries man matures before in all aspects, but does not reach the perfection of temperate zones. The human race in its most perfect expression manifests itself in the white race. Indians and yellows have a meager talent. Blacks have an even lower level, and the lowest of all is that of a part of the American population. The inhabitants of the temperate zones are more beautiful physically, more workers, more cheerful, more moderate in their passions and more intelligent than any other human race in the world. (Kant, 1982: 78-79)

This expression by Kant about the cult of Western beauty is justification what I have called “euro/geonarcicism”. In his eagerness to disqualify aesthetics and the link with some scientific knowledge of Africans and their diaspora, Kant attacks, relying on another racist philosopher, the German David Hume (1711-1776), who argued that knowledge came from a high sensitivity, and according to him the Africans did not have enough sensitivity to achieve some kind of knowledge:

The blacks of Africa by nature lack a sensitivity that rises above the insignificant. Mr. Hume challenges to be presented with an example that a black man has shown talent, and states that among the hundreds of thousands transported to foreign lands, and although many of them have obtained freedom, not one has been found that has I have imagined something great art in art, in science or in any other honorable quality, while whites frequently present the case of those who, due to their superior conditions, rise from a humble state and conquer an advantageous reputation. (Kant, 1982)

Not content to denigrate the Afro-epistemological development that already existed in sub-Saharan Africa, they ignored that, for example, in what is now Mali, there were universities such as Sankore, a large Afro-epistemic training center located in Toumbuctu or commented on the journey of Abubaraki II to the lands of what is now called America.

Before the emergence of historical Eurocentrism there were already historians such as Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406) who systematized not only the history of the Middle East, but also built bridges with Africa:

Its monumental history of the Berbers is the most complete socio-historical study ever written about the Maghreb, in one of the volumes of this history it dedicates famous pages to the Mali empire. We owe him the list of the sovereigns of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries until the year 1390. The prolegomena constitute the basis of sociology and highlight the principles of a scientific and objective history, based on the criticism of the sources. (Niane, 1985: 25)

Eurocentric executioners also kill with silence, silencing the great historical contributions that are not in their circles and that is an evil that remains in a strong Eurocentric academic trend and reproduced with the assimilated academics of the Americas, Europe and Africa.

Two other fourteenth-century Arab researchers “Ibn Battuta and Al-’UMari in essence, show how many fruitful observations belied the stereotyped ideas of bookish culture” (Devise, 1985: 689).

Following the philosophy of contempt, embodied in Mr. Hume, let’s read how he attacks the Afrosubsaharan spiritual concept:

So essential is the difference between these two human races; It seems as great in spiritual faculties as color. The religion of the Fetithes, among them extended, is perhaps a kind of idolatrous cult that falls into the insignificant as deep as it seems possible in human nature. A bird’s feather, a cow horn, a shell or any other vulgar thing, once consecrated with some words, becomes the object of reverence and invocation in oaths. (Kant, 1982)

Once again, ignorance is expressed in this quotation for the domination of Europeans about African spirituality. It was not a fetish, as the European slave traders disparagingly placed the orishas, ​​voodoo or nkisis. It was not about idolatrous cults but about the three-dimensional relationship of the world of the living, the dead and those who will come in the future. Spirituality was and is part of the power of knowledge in the African tradition. What for Africa was already great knowledge settled at the beginning of the 10th century, for these social scientists of the 18th century, it was not knowledge, nor spirituality.

Long before the French declaration of the French revolution in the 18th century, the Kurukan Fuga letter, the first letter on rights and respect for the human being, was written in the former Mandinga empire in 1236. That letter also reflects respect for nature as part of spirituality. The Europeans of the “Enlightenment” never understood that the basis of African spirituality has to do with nature, the cosmos, as well as the relationship between physical death and continuity of life in a spiritual dimension. That these Eurocentric philosophers could not understand. They never understood what we call today as an afroepistemology.

For his part, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770-1831) said: “What we understand as Africa is the segregated and lacking history, that is, what is still wrapped in extremely primitive forms, which we have analyzed as a previous step before of venturing into universal history ”(Hegel, 1976: 9).

In that sense, the Russian researcher Dmitri A Olderogge, before this Hegel trial, argues that this conception greatly influenced linguists and historians, since that division of historical and non-historical peoples placed the former as engines of history “while that the passivity of the seconds would have kept them out of the spiritual development of humanity. According to Hegel there is no real historical evolution in Africa itself (Olderoge, 1979: 24).

The three essential aspects of Afroepistemology: knowledge, spirituality and human rights – which already existed in subsaharan Africa – were despised by Westerners to impose the philosophy of exclusion, racism and violence, and ignorance of the knowledge of others.

As it is expressed to us by the sage of Burkina Fasso, Joseph Ki-Zerbo (1922-2006):

The history of Africa, as of all mankind, is, in effect, the story of an awareness. The history of Africa must be rewritten because until now it has been frequently masked, camouflaged, disfigured and mutilated. By “the force of things”, that is to say by ignorance and interest. This continent that traumatized centuries of oppression has seen as generations of travelers, blacksmiths, explorers, missionaries, proconsuls and scholars from all over the world petrified the image of misery, barbarism, irresponsibility and chaos in their image. (Ki-Zerbo 1979: 7)

This rosary of contempt was imposed over the centuries, and even managed to permeate many African and Afro-descendant assimilated intellectuals who now despised their own history, hence the need to reconstruct memory and rewrite history as Ki-Zerbo poses.

Most European chroniclers in contact with sub-Saharan Africa described with their conceptual arsenal what for them was diabolical, bestial and that did not correspond to their “civilizational” model. Like the chroniclers of “Indians” or America, they described, within their respective ignorances, the unknown as fantastic, abnormal and monstrous expressing this in their drawings by placing their heads on the belly of men and women from “those lands.” But another aspect to note is that this philosophy of Eurocentric contempt desperately racialized, for economic purposes, the relationship between human beings as expressed by the former general director of UNESCO, Senegalese Amadou Mbo:

There is also another phenomenon that has significantly impaired the objective study of the African past. I refer to the appearance, with the trafficking of blacks and colonization, of racial clichés that generate contempt and misunderstanding and so deeply rooted that they even corrupted the very concepts of historiography. From the moment in which the nations of “whites” and “blacks” were resorted to generically designate masters and subjugated peoples, Africans had to fight against a double economic and psychological servitude. Recognizable by the pigmentation of the skin, destined for work in mines and on plantations, turned into a commodity like any other, the African came to embody, in the conscience of his oppressors, a racial essence. Imaginary and illusory inferior, black. (Mbo, 1979: 5)

The long process of structuring the psychological inferiority of the African being and his descendants – with the objective of economic exploitation by Europe – definitely marked the history of the peoples of Africa and their diaspora in the Americas and the Caribbean space. The dominant Catholic religion, both in Africa and in the Americas, contributed greatly to the psychological introjection of the inferiority of a white, superior God, before the Afro-sub-Saharan gods and turned into demons.

Westerners were sure that spirituality constituted a form of resistance, hence the dominant religion became a coercive instrument to erase the African worldview, since this was a danger to break these underestimation stereotypes.

Eliminating the languages ​​of the Africans to impose that of the communicationist, since language is a factor of unity and permanent struggle, was an instrument of cultural degradation fiercely used by the West to achieve its goal of psycholinguistic domination.

In Africa they imposed the colonial languages: English, French, Spanish, German, Portuguese, today Portuguese, French and English are dominant in most Afro-Sub-Saharan countries. They tried to make the different ethnic groups feel ethnolinguistic shame in order to better assimilate, colonize and recolonize them.

In the diaspora, colonialism did not accept ethnolinguistic communication, hence they mixed men and women of one ethnic origin with another so that they could only communicate with the language of the master. In the diaspora the essential aspects of languages ​​of African origin were only reduced in religious spaces, especially the Yoruba, Kikongo, Efik-Efok and Fon languages.

The person’s name, as it is known in Africasubsahariana, represents a story, a symbol, a tradition. That was very clear to the colonialists as a factor of domination, hence in Africa and in the diaspora they tried to erase the name of ethnic origin. In the Kongo Dia Ntotela (today Angola, Democratic Republic of the Congo and Congo Brazzaville), the kings or Ntotelas assimilated to Catholicism assumed Catholic names like Joao I, whose original name was Nzinga Nkuwu.

In the diaspora, few names were preserved of African origin. However, many ethnonyms were preserved mainly in Afro-Colombian, Afro-Ecuadorian, Afro-Basel communities, such as Arara, Matamba, Luango, Mina, Lucumi, among others. The names of places (place-names) of African origin were also preserved to be preserved in memory, such as Birongo, Mandinga, Yanga, among other towns and places in the Americas.

African spirituality is the basis of his philosophy, it is what gives him understanding and perception of the world, hence the slave trade and slavery tried both in African territories and in the diaspora to combat symbols, oracles and worldview , which they did not achieve. As the Yoruba philosophy says “Bí Olórun oba mi idá mi nì mò nse”, that is to say “I am as my God has created me”.

APPROXIMATION TO AFROEPISTEMOLOGY

Afroepistemology is the knowledge and perception that we Africans and their descendants have of our own worlds, our worldview, our ways of being, gesturing, walking, loving, being, sharing. That vision is the basis of the social construction of knowledge without it being mediated by others. Our world is our world, which we can share with others on equal terms. Thus we have built our philosophy of African dignity, as opposed to the philosophy of contempt elaborated by the Eurocentric vision.

African and Afro-descendant philosophy, at a time being questioned by some African academic scholars “assimilated” to the European philosophical pattern, does not emerge or emerge as a response to Eurocentrism. It exists and period. As the Nigerian, Nobel Peace Prize winner, Wole Soyinka, said, “the tiger does not say his tigritud … jumps.”

The Encyclopedists and intellectuals of the Enlightenment never gave a thought to the idea that there could be an African philosophy, or at least an African worldview different from that of Europeans, made invisible, denied, ignored within their own ignorance the African philosophical and historical currents as result, first of their own developments as a result of the civilizations existing in that continent and secondly by the contact with Islam in an ebb and flow, exchanges, adaptation and retraining, taking as an example the dialogic relationship between the former Mali Empire structured by the leader Bambara (Mandinga) Sundjata Keita at the end of the 13th century and the visit Kanku Musa, Keita’s nephew, to Mecca and his stay in Cairo in 1336. Subsequently, “the successor of Sundjata, who was his son Mansa Uli, made a pilgrimage to Mecca during the time of Mamluk Sultan Baybars. The Islamic concept of the empire (Mali) took shape under the power of Mansa Musa and his brother Mansa Sulayman (1341-1360), who favored the construction of mosques and the development of Islamic knowledge” (Herbek, 1992: 99).

This connection between North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa, through Islam, came to strengthen Afro-epistemology, long before the arrival of the West.

Mali had become an important reference for the world at that time with the creation of Sankore University and became the most important reference in sub-Saharan Africa for the spread of Islam.

CONCEPTUALIZING AFROPHILOSOPHY

For a long time the West was defined by a monopoly of knowledge, arbitrarily defining what is and is not science, or what is and is not philosophy, of course they tried to castrate the diversity of thought. However, as some African authors say the Africanity of our philosophy resides, as Hountondji said, above all in the geographical belonging of those who produce it and in the intellectual relationship. As a consequence, to speak of African philosophy is to designate the authors of this philosophy and the recipients and affirm that they are all African natives or African cultural heirs of an African nature and descent (Kinyongo, 1983: 414).

If we believe AJ Smet’s claims that the problem of the existence of an African philosophy has been raised for the first time by P. Tempels in 1944, his predecessors had not used the term philosophy only in the sense psychology and wisdom (Kinongo, 1983).

That the Reverend Tempels was raised in the context of philosophical contempt on the part of Europe the existence of another way of thinking, especially in Africa, was undoubtedly a heresy.

But philosophy without historical knowledge has little foundation. That is why the binomial philosophy and historical knowledge go hand in hand, one justifies the other.

Hence this extraordinary reflection of Amadou Mbo, when, UNESCO, begins the process of writing the general history of Africa.

For a long time, myths and prejudices of all kinds have hidden the real history of Africa from the world. African societies were held by societies that could not have history. Despite the important work carried out, since the first decades of this century (20th century), by pioneers such as Leo Frobenius, Maurice Delafosse, Arturo Labriola, a good number of non-African specialists linked to certain postulates held that these societies did not they could be subject to scientific study, mainly due to lack of sources and written documents. (Mbo, 1985: 13)

These North African specialists had an approach to sub-Saharan Africa based on the works of the chroniclers, logbooks of the captains of the slave ships, report of the colonial administrators, colonizing Catholic priests and travelers. On the other hand, if some of them were physically in “those remote corners” of the planet or as the novelist Joseph Conrad said “in the heart of darkness”, the perception they had was prejudiced perception. Very few, such as the French ethnographer Marcel Grileau, took into account the “word of the elders” or the connoisseurs of African cultures, the case of the Dogon in Mali, as well as the segmented spiritualities in a story that gave and gives sense of town

Returning to Amathar Mbo, it reminds us:

Although The Iliad and the Odyssey could rightly be considered essential sources of ancient Greece, however, all value to the African oral tradition was denied, that memory of the peoples that provides the plot of so many events that have marked their lives. When writing the history of a part of Africa, they were limited to outside sources of this continent, to give a vision not of what the march of the African peoples could be, but of what was believed to be. Frequently, as the European average age, production systems and social relations, as well as political institutions, were taken as a point of reference, they were only understood by reference to Europe’s past. (Mbo, 1985)

Today we are facing an other reality. It is a long process of demystifying the epistemic contribution of sub-Saharan Africa to humanity. Already the works of intellectuals such as Cheikh Anta Diop made these contributions very clear. Subsequently, the successive meetings organized by UNESCO since 1966 between Africa and America have left an important mark to rebuild it. These Eurocentric approaches today are questioned both from the emergence of new academic practices and from the spiritual practices of Afro-Saharan and diaspora carriers.

THE CHALLENGE FOR PUBLIC POLICIES IN EDUCATION

It is pedagogy, understanding how the daily practices of transmission of the substrate of the knowledge of civilizations, is one of the fundamental tools to resume our Afro-epistemology. The West tried to impose, and still continues to do, two types of pedagogy. The first was the pedagogy of submission, where the church played a fundamental role through forced religious practices. That pedagogy was expressed in a rosary of recommendations to cleanse the soul of sin to our ancestors and ancestors, erase spiritual practices, changing names, eliminating tongues until kneeling before the cross and before God on earth represented by the Catholic / Apostolic and Roman ecclesiastical power and formerly the master and today the power of wild capitalism. Evangelization was the masterpiece of the pedagogy of submission, then it became in the words of Pablo Freire, the pedagogy of the oppressed (1970). That is, the introjection of oppression as hopelessness. The other pedagogy was that of reproduction, understanding it as the process of assimilating the contemptuous knowledge of the other towards us, reproduced in the formal educational system with a well structured and castrating curriculum about our ancestral knowledge.

Preserving the cultural codes which originated in Africa, having gone through long traumatic processes of slavery, racism and discrimination, is not simply an act of heroism, it is an act of resilience, that is, having had a high coefficient of struggle against adversity. But to preserve those cultural codes expressed in the touches of the different rhythmic cells of the drums, in the codes of ethics (human values), cuisine, hair styles, among others, a technique, a methodical one was needed to transmit all those codes. That is what we call Maroon pedagogy, and we say Maroon for having traversed the times and obstacles that the dominant sectors placed on the road.

These pedagogical practices, recognized or not by the academy and the formal education system, have managed to overcome denigration and substation. Transmitting, conserving and resizing Cimarroan Pedagogy was, is and will continue to be a permanent fight against adversity. The pedagogical practices of the cimarronaje are in open and permanent struggle against the practices of the pedagogy of reproduction. Both coexist in the formal and non-formal education system, it is a totally antagonistic contradiction that is in us and ourselves.

The pedagogical practices of reproduction are all those vertical attitudes of the facilitator or teacher in the educational system in the transmission of Eurocentric knowledge. They express the centrality of power and knowledge. They are practical, castrating and totally contemptuous towards diversity, difference and rejection of possible complementarities between academically legitimated knowledge and socially and culturally produced knowledge.

Cimarron pedagogies have the purpose of fostering our knowledge of both Africa and the diaspora. It is a challenge that we, the Afro-descendant teachers in alliance with those who have conserved, recreated and innovated the original cultures of Africa in all their diversity, have to accept. It is pedagogy of the cimarronaje, the forms from the musical perspectives expressed in the development of more than one hundred and sixty rhythms of the Batas drums in the Ocha rule, as well as their different dances. The practices of maroon pedagogies in food patterns of Afrosubsaharan origin, as well as in the field of aesthetics and ethical contributions for the construction of fairer and more humane societies. Afroepistemology and Pedagogy of Cimarronaje is a proposal that should invite us to break the molds of folkloric or fetish reductionism to which we have been subjected by Western sciences denying all diversity. It is the search for our own paradigms in the framework of the Decade of Afro-descendant peoples that add to the incessant process of reconstruction and reconstruction of our history full of pain and hope.

It is urgent to implement in the educational systems of Latin America and the Caribbean the contributions of Africa and its descendants to our societies in two fundamental aspects: First modify the laws that govern our educational systems, for example in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela after a process In the struggle with Afro-descendant teachers and traditionalists, we achieved that in our new Education Law (2009), our African was recognized. Second, review the curricula and incorporate in them the historical, cultural, technological, spiritual aspects among others of the Africans and their descendants. 

Former president Lula did this in Brazil with the compulsory teaching of specific texts on the history of Africans and their descendants and the translation of the eight volumes of the General History of Africa into Portuguese. At the meeting of the creation of CELAC in Caracas in 2011, agreement No. 17 states, “the participation of indigenous and Afro-descendant peoples in the independence struggles and recognizing their moral, political, economic, spiritual and cultural contributions in the conformation of our identities and in the construction of our nations and democratic processes ”(CELAC, 2011).

This recognition, together with the recognition that our governments must make to the Decade of Afro-descendant Peoples, serves as an anchor to support us as academics and activists to press the educational public policies of our countries.

BIBLIOGRAFÍA 

CELAC 2011 Declaración de la Comunidad de Estados Latinoamericanos y del Caribe (Caracas: CELAC). 

Devisse, J. 1985 “África en las relaciones intercontinentales” en Historia General de África (Madrid: Unesco). 

Freire, P. 1970 Pedagogía del Oprimido (Montevideo: Tierra Nueva) 

Hegel, G. F. W. 1976 Filosofía de la Historia (Buenos Aires: Claridad). 

Herbek, I. 1992 “La expansión del islam en África hacia el sur del Sahara” en Historia General de África. (Madrid: Unesco). 

Hernández, A. et. al. s/f Las ideas Racista y búsqueda de la identidad 

Mexicana. (Zaragoza: Facultad de Estudios Superiores, UNAM). Kant, I. 1982 Lo bello y lo sublime (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe) séptima edición.

Kinyongo, J. 1982 La philosophie africaine et son histoire en Les etudes philosophiques (París: Presses Universitaires de France). Ki-Zerbo, J. 1979 Un continente en busca de su pasado (París: El correo de la Unesco) agosto-septiembre.

Laurente, E. 2002 Montesquieu, Rousseau, Diderot: du genre humaine au bois d’ébéne (París: Unesco).

Mbo, A. 1979 La historia general de África (París: El Correo de la Unesco).

Niane, D. T. 1985 Historia General de África (Madrid; París: Tecnos; Unesco).

Olderogge, D. A. 1979 Los homínidos africanos contra una teoría errónea (París: Correo de la Unesco) agosto-septiembre. 

Why CastroChavismo is not Antisemitic, But Those who Deny It Are

Chavez and Soros – United in Hate against the Republican Party

CastroChavismo is not “Cultural Marxism”

Use of the term CastroChavismo is descriptive of the Socialist-Affiliated Transnational Advocacy Networks in the U.S. receiving support and funding for theactivitiesfrom socialist governments in Latin America (PSUV, PCC, PT); socialist parties in the EU (Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung); and transnational NGOs (Open Society Initiative).

The term explicitly alludes to descriptions of activities historically engaged in by the Cuban Communist Party categorized as subversion, while simultaneously differentiating it from narratives about “Cultural Marxism” that may or may not have antisemitic overtones.

People who say I’m being Deleuzional by defining it as a repetition that is also different would be correct.

CastroChavismo is a set of activities with goals that can be organized according to principles of  Knowledge Management.

Individuals participating in the events and activities associated with CastroChavismo can be classified as antisemitic for two reasons.

(1) Functional support of the goals and organizations connected to the Muslim Brotherhood, Hezbollah, the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps, as well as others that have avowed their desire to destroy the state of Israel – the lone Jewish-majority state in the world, which is located in the historic Jewish Homeland – which has been documented by Timothy Pearce, by Tariq Ali, and can be shown at in the alliances of Hugo Chavez and Nicolas Maduro.

The claim that someone’s ethnic Jewish background, George Soros, who does not even practice Judaism and who Israel also seeks to expose, within the analytical framework of CastroChavismo does not make it antisemitic.

In fact, if we were to extend that same logic – given my own ethnic Jewish background – one could just as similarly claim that all those who deny the historical correctness of CastroChavismo are themselves, anti-Semites.

In fact, people who try and disqualify interlocutors because of this are using a long-established anti-semitic trope.

In fact, given the aforementioned political orientation of those involved with CastroChavismo networks and their use of antisemitic tropes – it’s appropriate to say that people who deny CastroChavismo are themselves antisemitic as their attempt to police speech acts supports those that seek the elimination of Israel.

 

 

 

Layla Brown-Vincent: Portrait of a Venezuelan Academic Propagandist

Abstract:
This article first provides an overview of Layla Brown-Vincent’s public record relations with Black Liberation Movements and Revolutionary Socialist Parties that have avowed active committments of political solidarity with the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV).

It then defines cimmarron pedagogy, a concept introduced to Brown-Vincent via Jesus “Chucho” Garcia. Following this it examines two academic works in the historic ethnographic vein written by Layla Brown-Vincent in light of her avowed committment to pan-Africanist revolutionary struggles.

Based on these examples of her writing, a clearer definition of cimmaron pedagogy is made: Academic publications within this rubric of scholarship is characterized by the use of loaded language, the making of claims that are unsupported by evidence, the provision of explanations that have relevant facts omitted and the use of unreliable sources all in the service of furthering personal political committments.

Keywords:
Disinformation, Political Manipulation, Subversive Academic Networks, São Paulo Forum

The Revolutionary Black Academic and Cuba/Venezuela Axis

Layla Brown-Vincent currently teaches at the University of Massachussetts Boston as an assistant professor of Africana Studies in the college of Liberal Arts. She recieved an M.A. and Ph.D from Duke University in Cultural Anthropology and according to her biographic description her areas of expertise are “Pan-Africanism, Black feminism, Blacks in Latin America, radical social movements in the African diaspora, autoethnography.”

Her undergraduate degree came from North Carolina Central University – where black liberation and Hands Off Venezuela activist Ajamu Baraka hosts national assemblies and the same university that graduated Tamika Thompson, a member of the Workers World Party – an organization that has for over ten years allied itself to political action networks allied to the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela’s vision of a covert Fifth Socialist International modeled on network principles.

As is evident by the text and photo connecting her with Lamont Lilly in this article about the National Moment of Silence, Layla Brown-Vincent was also one of the co-organizers for this Workers World Party cultural front organization that sought to unite potential activists via appreciation of performance poetry and social justice following the justified shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo.

According to the All-African People’s Revolutionary Party and her PhD thesis (more on this below) she and her uncle Bob Brown have travelled together multiple times to Venezuela as All-African People’s Revolutionary Party delegates. As you’d expect given their name, they are “a revolutionary Pan-Africanist socialist party“. According to the Boston-Cuba Solidarity Coalition Layla’s also travelled to Cuba with the assistance of the African Awareness Association.

In her doctoral thesis, We Are the Ones We Have Been Waiting for: Pan-African Consciousness Raising and Organizing in the United States and Venezuela, she identifies herself as a trans-generational revolutionary and describes her attendance at the Network of Afro-Venezuelans organized Fourth Encounter of Afrodescendants in the Americas and the Caribbean for Revolutionary Transformations in the Framework of the International Year of Afrodescendants in Solidarity with Haiti as being a major production with a seemingly large budget” and described multiple encuentros with Jesus “Chucho” Garcia.

In her article Seeing It for Wearing It: Autoethnography as Black Feminist Methodology she describes her engagement with activists connected to the Bolivarian Revolution: “Not long after I completed coursework and began to conduct fieldwork, my interlocutors in Venezuela would often ask me about what kind of political work I was engaged in at home.” She openly avows that these Bolivarian activists had a directive force on her political engagement, stating that her “attention was drawn back to my place of birth, the United States of America, largely as a result of the chiding of my Venezuelan comrades.”

Defining Cimarron Pedagogy

Layla Brown-Vincent came to my attention over a year ago during my investigation into academics that had engaged with Jesus “Chucho” Garcia – an ambassador to the U.S. from the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela and member of the communist-oriented Venezuelan Revolutionary Party, that was ejected from the United States. While no specific reason was ever publicized, charting his public activities one finds a significant number of him interacting with various socialist and black ethno-nationalist organizations such as the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement and the Southern Human Rights Organizers Conference.

The above images come from this interview with Chucho and in it one learns of his and his academic comrades strategy of promoting revolutionary educational activities via educational institutions sponsored by Cuba, Venezuela, Brazil when Lula was President and UNESCO.

Before starting the research for this article I knew nothing about UNESCO but I can now understand why it was that President Donald Trump recently withdrew the United States from it. Bivol, a multiple-award winning investigative journalism outlet from Bulgaria who focuses on corrupt practices have highlighted a number of UNESCO scandals.

By reading Bivol’s coverage of UNESCO I’ve learned that the director of the organization during the period that Jesus “Chuco” Garcia refers to above was Irina Bokova, and that she was the daughter of “one of the ideologists of the communist regime of Bulgarian dictator Todor Zhivkov and editor-in-chief of the official print newspaper of the Communist party Rabotnichesko delo (Workers Actions), where he published his own glorifications of Stalin” and that before her role in UNESCO she was a member of the Bulgarian Communist Party. This fact is interesting in light of Layla Brown-Vincent’s avowal of an multiple-generational socialist lineage by iteself. But it is all the more so given that Audrey Azoulay, a member of the French Socialist Party, was elected to Bokova’s former position and provided her with diplomatic immunity via a $1 (yes, one dollar) consultancy contract seemingly intended to halt ongoing criminal investigations into corruption.

One of the concepts transmitted via her encounters with Chucho’s intellectual ouevre and activism – one that clearly has become influential given UNESCO’s support of it –  is cimarron pedagogy. 

Given that Brown-Vincent describes cimarron pedagogy in her doctoral thesis as “a weapon of history, a method of bearing witness to methods of resistance, struggle, freedom and dignity passed down from enslaved ancestors to present communities of African descended peoples struggling for freedom” and that she descibes “auto-ethnography” as an area specialization she clearly identifies strongly with this. But what all does this description entail? In his article Afroepistemology and Cimarron Pedagogy Jesus “Chucho” Garcia exapands on this and describes the idea as follows:

“to preserve those cultural codes expressed in the touches of the different rhythmic cells of the drums, in the codes of ethics (human values), cuisine, hair styles, among others, a technique, a methogy was needed to transmit all those codes. That is what we call Maroon pedagogy, and we say Maroon for having traversed the times and obstacles that the dominant sectors placed on the road.”

While this succint quote may give the appearance that Chucho’s intellectual project, and thus Layla Brown-Vincent’s is just about preserving cultural norms and values, which is not problematic, but it is not. It is the promotion of a categorical negation of all “non-Afro” modes of thought, i.e. civic laws and the institutions which enforce them, and it’s replacement with an unarticulated vision of “racial memory”.

The book On Decoloniality: Concepts, Analytics, Praxis by Walter D. Mignolo and Catherine E. Walsh provides the best summation of the concept I’ve read thus far, this time from Afro-Ecuadorian scholar Juan García Salazar. There we learn that:

“in his conception of cimarronaje, or marronage, as a pedagogy for the new urban generations, García underscores the ways that marronage can be used as a sort of theoretical and memory-based anchor, conceptual analytic, and decolonial code and tool to reread official history and to contribute to it with a new and “other” reading. “This is a cimarrón attitude: to always distrust the word written by the dominant other, . . . to closely go over this word and history and compare it with our own, . . . to recuperate elements of the memory of resistance that is born in the cimarrón being . . . and to reconstruct a new memory,” that is, a history otherwise. Entailed here as well is a learning to unlearn in order to relearn, a central component of decoloniality in/as praxis.”

Putting aside the fact that Chuco and Salazar are engaged in their own form of African Orientalism based on poor historiography – according to Ethnologue Africa is a country of 2,143 languages, making claims that it is “a people” and not a continent worthy of derision, especially in light of the fact that the transatlantic slave trade would not have ever been as large as it was if it not for the fact that various tribes profitted from it – it’s here that it’s practical applications comes to light: Afro-epistemology and cimarron pedagogy are justifcations solely on the basis of social or economic positionality for the belief that every claim made by “the dominant other” is worthy of distrust and resistance. 

For someone that works in an institution invested with authority based on adherence to sundry traditions of intellectual labors – I found it strange that Layla Brown-Vincent would avow such committments. So having depicted Layla Brown-Vincent’s network connections to members of pan-Africanist Revolutionary organizations and Venezuelan political actors that promote this mode of thinking I’ve now defined, I’ll examine two example of her academic productions to see if those that meet the standards of cimarron pedagogy match the standards of “Western” professional academic standard.

Why Cimarron Pedagogy is Academically-Styled Propaganda Part I

The United Socialist Party of Venezuelan – thinks so highly of Layla Brown-Vincent’s academic productions that she was invited  to attend a conference on pan-Africanism in Caracas, Venezuela hosted by Nicolas Maduro.

The African-American Intellectual History Society has a section for contributors called Black Perspectives and one of Layla Brown-Vincent’s articles, titled (Anti)Blackness, Venezuela’s Bolivarian Revolution, and Guaidó’s Attempted Coup, is hosted there. Because the format of it’s publication makes it easy to include my comments side by side with the article I’ve posted an Ariel Sheen annotated edition of Layla Brown-Vincent’s article (Anti)Blackness, Venezuela’s Bolivarian Revolution, and Guaidó’s Attempted Coup, to show all of the instances which confirms my hypothesis that “cimarron pedagogy” is not compatible with the code of ethics outlined in various professional academic organization standards – in this case the American Anthropological Associations Code of Ethics. This is evident in that fact that this academic work in the cimarron pedagogy tradition is characterized by:

  1. Extensive use of loaded language.
  2. Extensive use of government sources (i.e. Venezuela Analysis).
  3. Extensive use of unreliable sources (i.e. GreyZone Project).
  4. Multiple claims unsupported by evidence.
  5. Multiple claims to have facts important to the context ommitted
  6. Multiple claims fail to examine or even consider counterfactuals.
  7. Several claims could be construed as racist.

The specific violations of the Anthropological Association’s Code of Ethics in this case are Layla Brown-Vincent’s not “mak(ing) good-faith efforts to identify potential ethical claims and conflicts in advance” and not doing “mak(ing) clear the empirical bases upon which their reports stand, be(ing) candid about their qualifications and philosophical or political biases, and recogniz(ing) and mak(ing) clear the limits of anthropological expertise.” [quote altered to make the verbs infinitive]

What would an ethical iteration of her article look like?

First it would include the fact that she is – in her own words – not qualified as an expert on Venezuela. The below exerpt where Layla Brown-Vincent admits this comes from her article Seeing it For Wearing It:

“Even now, after having completed my dissertation, I am still hesitant to claim expertise about Venezuela as a country. My work is the product over just over a year of research in a particular urban area of Venezuela, among a particular subset of Venezuelans who self-identified as “Afro.” To claim, or even the desire to claim any level of expertise over a people whose identities, politics, and ways of being are constantly in flux is a product of the hubris of the colonial institutionality of Euro-American Ivory towers that I vehemently reject”

Secondly it would include the fact that she has recieved goods and services from the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela. Lastly, it would include the fact that she has avowed a political committment to pan-African revolutionary activity.

What would this “good faith effort” to inform readers of conflicts thus look like? Layla Brown-Vincent should have opened her post with something to these effects:

“I write this article as someone that is not an expert on the country that I here write about, I have previously recieved goods or services from the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela and my personal political committment to pan-African revolution leads me to believe everything their intelligence services tells me.”

This would be an honest statement of fact, and it would also allow potential readers of Layla Brown-Vincent’s to see that she has – in essence – an uninformed opinion that can be ignored as propaganda that probably ought not have been published in the first place.

Why Cimarron Pedagogy is Academically-Styled Propaganda Part II

Screenshots of Layla Brown-Vincent’s Twitter account showing (top to bottom) her support for the Workers World Party, the Ferguson Uprising Spectacle, Bree Newsome (who was brought to national attention by Venezuela via Fitzgibbon Media), and Nicholas Maduro.

Layla Brown-Vincent’s article in The Fire Now: Anti-Racist Scholarship in Times of Explicit Racial Violence entitled This Ain’t Nothing New: Contextualizing Black Responses to Trump’s America is available for free to view via’s Google Books. I’ve posted screenshots of it at the end of this article, but haven’t made an annoted copy as I did with the above due to formatting reasons.

The purportedly historical essay is unusual given the extensive irony which punctuates it that Layla Brown-Vincent, seemingly, is unaware of.

Having read it I’d claim it’s inclusion in this collection of essays titled “anti-racist scholarship” is the most humorous as there’s little in Layla Brown-Vincent’s article that qualifies as scholarship.

She claims that President Donald Trump has passed “a number of draconian, racist, sexist, and classist policies” and not only does she not name a single one of these policies, she justifies the claim by referencing Octavia Butler’s novel Parable of the Talents as Andrew Jarrett, a presidential candidate in the book, uses “Make America Great Again” as his slogan.

She uses phrases such as the “school-to-prison” to demonstrate her familiarity with Michelle Alexander’s book “The New Jim Crow” – despite the fact that this particular historical account was proven false by a Barry Latzer, an emeritus professor at John Jay College of Criminal Justice, by John F. Pfaff, a professor of law at Fordham. Even those on the left have pointed out it’s many flaws. In an article on LibCom – short for Libertarian Communist – Greg Thomas, a Professor of Global Black Studies and hip-hop scholar, has written that there is “literally next to nothing to be learned from The New Jim Crow”.

She claims that Trump is a racist when Andrew J. Stein, the former president of the New York City Council and a former president of Manhattan Borough that has known President Trump since 1973, has provided a character reference that he is not a racist and  data analysis shows that those who voted for him weren’t either. And yet despite these facts and that President Donald Trump’s family arrived in the United States 22 years after the Emancipation Proclimation, Layla Brown-Vinent describes as “the product of insitutionalized racism” that has “waxed and waned” since the arrival of the first slave to the U.S.

She then follows this up with the claim, sans any explanation or citation of an expert opinion proving this is so, that his election was due to a “backlash” against the Blackness of Barack Obama and is evidence of “white supremacist logics”. The phrasing and sentiment is notable as it matches that of Van Jones, an avowed communist who has travelled with Deborah James – who used to be the director for the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela’s public relations organ the Venezuela Information Office. In the context of the criticisms of the academic/activist Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, a former member of the Internationalist Socialist Organization who clams that President Barack Obama categorically failed black people, this is another example of irony. All the more so given that polls show that black people have ever increasing approval rates of President Donald Trump.

Later in the article Layla Brown-Vincent describes her participation in a South Carolina protest wherein Bree Newsome took down a flag, and omits the fact that this obtained national media coverage because of promotional services providedby FitzGibbon Media, a public relations firm that has been contracted by the Venezuelan government and the Ecuadorian government under President Rafael Correa.

In light of all this – the most evocative irony in Layla Brown-Vincent’s essay is her claim that the FBI’s monitoring of Black Identity Extremists “signals a revitalization of anti-Black genocide in the form of state-sanctioned espionage”.

Even if we could rationalize such an absurd claim as a rhetorical flourish, which I don’t think is appropriate as it is a patently false and polarizing proposition, there’s a shocking lack of self-awareness in this statement from someone who openly identifies with foreign state powers and is the member of a revolutionary party that works in coordination with foreign activists claiming that U.S. national security services shouldn’t engage in vigilance practice on those whose advocate for secession and revolution. Given that it is this political class of people that have, historically, been most likely to engage in subversion, espionage and collusion on behalf of foreign powers it is an entirely sensible proposition that such people be monitored and why the law allows for it.

Closing Summary on Cimarron Pedagogy and Professional Academic Standards

Having brought together all these public documents regarding Layla Brown-Vincent’s engagement with foreign revolutionary movements – both in the political and epistemological sense – and reviewed her academic work it becomes clear that  cimarron pedagogy is wholly incompatible with codes of ethics described in professional academic associations.

What is most fascinating about reading Layla Brown-Vincent’s academic work is that this is, seemingly, completely lost on her. I found this particularly strange given that describes her colleagues expressing criticism for her particular line of research. Rather than viewing their words as expression of care and concern about her not being able to meet what academic tradition dictates are the prerequisites for becoming a doctor in a subject area, she stated the belief in Seeing it for Wearing It that these subject area specialists  just wanted her to become “good colonial anthropologist” and claims that “the liberal individualism of the American academy rendered my intellectual preoccupations illegible to many of my so-called colleagues and professors.” As laudable as research is that is “in part a utilitarian search for liberatory alternatives for myself and my people” – based on the above analysis it should be clear that cimarron pedagogy leads to the wrong answers and ought to be excluded from practice in the academy as it is – at base – not an appropriate method for discerning the truth.

This Ain’t Nothing New by Layla Brown-Vincent